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Jonathan, Buhari, ASUU and high jump

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By Tunde Olusunle

All through the past two decades and half of following the trajectory of former President Goodluck Jonathan, I’ve come to identify him as a gentleman par excellence. He rapidly overcame his erstwhile provincial naivete, to become the national leader and global statesman he is today, with his signature bowler hat, an integral component of men’s regalia in his seaward section of the country. His widely ventilated pre-2015 presidential election statement that his election was “not worth the blood of any Nigerian,” catapulted his rating into the global sky. This pronouncement, coming shortly after his successor, Muhammadu Buhari had threatened that “the dog and the baboon will be soaked in blood” if he didn’t win the polls, spontaneously endeared Jonathan to the international community. Indeed, leaders like Nasir El Rufai, once promised that “foreign observers may return to their home countries in body bags,” if their reportage of the polls, stood in the way of the victory of the All Progressives Congress, (APC), Buhari’s party.

Jonathan’s recent reminisces on the manner of his administration’s resolution of an industrial strike embarked upon by the Academic Staff Union of Universities, (ASUU), particularly caught my attention. Alluding to the subsisting seven-month impasse between the Buhari administration and ASUU, Jonathan recalled an experience when he was president. He sat through the night on one occasion on one side of the negotiation table with his own officials, while the ASUU team were on the opposite side, trying to resolve a similar debacle. There were agreements in some places, and dissent elsewhere; consensus here, ground-shifting there, until both sides agreed to what was a win-win situation. On that very occasion, Jonathan observed that the meeting which began the preceding evening, ended at 5.30am next day!

The former president may not have said it in plain language, but he was pointedly admonishing Buhari to dispense with outsourcing the responsibility for the settlement of the lingering ASUU debacle and take full charge, personally. As a longserving, proximal aide to former President Olusegun Obasanjo, I know for a fact that Jonathan in that instance adopted a conflict mitigation recipe, emplaced by the former president. If he were allowed, Obasanjo will work round the clock, restrained only by his minders. He travelled with his briefcase of documents, ever deploying his “green ink” on the road, ensuring there was no lacuna in the governance regimen. And this is where I have a problem with Jonathan.

Was it not the same Buhari who criticised Jonathan for initiating the “National Conference” in 2014, which aggregated Nigerians of various persuasions to discuss the national question? This same Buhari lampooned Jonathan for expending N7 Billion on remuneration for participants at the conference. Like we are experiencing today, university lecturers were on strike and Buhari opined that the N7 Billion in question should have been deployed to settling the fiscal demands of the dissenting teachers. Why should Jonathan be availing him nuggets from his own practical experiences?

The Buhari being counselled by Jonathan by the way, is in New York for the United Nations General Assembly, (UNGA). It will be Buhari’s last appearance at the annual event and he was not going to miss this opportunity for valedictory photo-ops at the largest assembly for world leaders. He took with him his chief of staff, Ibrahim Agboola Gambari, a former Under-Secretary of the UN. Vice President Yemi Osinbajo was in England at the same time participating in the final rites of passage of Queen Elizabeth II. The presidential villa could jolly well be on holiday for one week or more, depending on how long it takes for the president to get back. The absence of the first two citizens from the country at a time Nigerian students blockaded the international airport, re-echoed the nation’s experiences under military rulership, years gone by. Those days, martial adventurists might have been tempted to tinker with the system, in such a leadership void. The message to this effect may then be conveyed to our leaders in New York and London respectively.

That was how the July 1975 Yakubu Gowon saga was whispered to him in Kampala, Uganda, where he was attending a meeting of the Organisation of African Unity, (OAU), now African Union, (AU). The inability of Buhari’s administration to remedy a strike action called by university teachers, the recourse of students to the streets, crippling hunger, festering insecurity, economic dysfunction, will feature in the coup speech. The speech will most probably highlight Buhari’s frequent medical tours abroad and allude to the frequency of his foreign trips, especially when there are pressing matters of state.

Buhari may not know this. But Osinbajo a distinguished professor of law and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, (SAN), who taught for decades within the university environment, fully understands the dire implications of the lingering strike. Historically, Nigeria has been the epicentre of knowledge production for sub-saharan Africa. We attracted some of the very best brains from across the world to our educational system. They collaborated with our own globally acclaimed academics, to nurture generations of highly literate and skilled scholars and professionals, consistent with the concept of the university as universitas. We also exported excess quotas from our brimming reservoir of highly groomed and grilled manpower to brother African countries, all the way to the Caribbeans. The Technical Aid Corps, (TAC) initiative of the Ibrahim Babangida administration readily comes to mind.

As we speak, however, the traffic is more outbound than inbound. Nigerian professors across specialties, medics, information technology specialists and so on, are emigrating in droves. A very popular television advertisement in Buhari’s days as military head of state, forever admonished an imaginary character called “Andrew” not to exit Nigeria. It was a milieu of excruciating socioeconomic anguish for the country and people spared no chance to explore greener pastures on the other side. “Andrew,” however, was implored to stay back and contribute to national reengineering. Three decades after Buhari’s first coming, the japa (take flight) syndrome has replaced the “Andrew” concept. It is very real. Newspapers have serially availed us front page photographs of Nigerians queuing up at various embassies and high commissions, notably those of the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada, in recent weeks. In our various families and concentric circles of friends and associates, many people have jettisoned Buhari’s Nigeria.

Even amongst the students, there is now general lack of enthusiasm in education and scholarship, if all that young Nigerians are sure about after graduation, is just the one year National Youth Service Corps, (NYSC). The desire of many to pursue postgraduate studies to enhance their employability has waned tremendously. The impasse has also exposed the low perception the government has for education. A country which intends to continue the development of skilled manpower to drive its socioeconomy, will go beyond the inept handling of the ASUU strike thus far.

A government cognizant of the place of literacy and education in the achievement of national goals will not treat this all-important knowledge production industry, with the manner of levity and condescension the Buhari regime has. Jonathan is asking for too much from a president who has barely exerted himself either physically or mentally, in the business of governance and administration, since his inauguration on May 29, 2015. He wants to place the old man on “high jump,” to deploy an expression popular in military circles, which translates as imposing an unattainable task on one who is evidently incapable.

We hear the Chief of Staff, (COS) to Jonathan, invented the tradition of being the ultimate gatekeeper of all the president’s documents. He reportedly decided which correspondences should be passed on to the boss and which should not. The late Abba Kyari ostensibly inherited and proceeded with this practice. Unfortunately, the system which subsists even till today, is a dangerous departure from the Obasanjo tradition of depth and thoroughness. We had a hands-on president in love with paperwork, who received and processed all mails addressed to him. He made comments, observations and corrections on virtually every page of documents passed to him. He offered guidance and gave directives as the case may be.

It is either we are sustaining the novel culture of the overindulgence of a president who gets virtually everything done for him, or witnessing an obvious lack of capacity. This may determine the magnitude of the application and rigour he exerts in official superintendence. Except for the recent presidential primary held in “Eagle Square,” Abuja, I cannot remember the last time Buhari sat through an event which spilled past midnight. Retreats, workshops, and meetings with various ministries, departments and agencies, as well as engagements with the leadership and stakeholders of the ruling party at different intersections during Obasanjo’s era, were taken very seriously.

Scheduled and impromptu meetings of the AU, the Economic Community of West African States, (ECOWAS) or the Gulf of Guinea states, were ever plausible. Mediations between bickering nations or their leaders, threats of confrontations between countries, often stretched till dawn. The askance indifference, the lack of grit with which the business of leadership has been taken in this government, however, is remarkable. Sometimes one wonders if Buhari is just on a safari cruise at our collective expense.

Buhari is very surely oblivious of the various strands of the nation’s economy, that are tied to the smooth functioning of our universities, all collectively crippled by the yet unresolved impasse. In recent years, I’ve come to appreciate a point made by the legal luminary, Bayo Ojo, SAN, who once enlightened me that the socioeconomic transformation which a tertiary institution can bring to bear on a community or city, is immeasurable. On that occasion, the former attorney-general and minister of justice, had requested me to compare the level of development in Offa, Kwara State, before the establishment of the Federal Polytechnic, Offa, Kwara State, and what has become of the town in recent years.

On a trip to Ilorin the Kwara State capital in 2017, I decided to visit the permanent site of my alma mater, the University of Ilorin, (Unilorin). My generation of students schooled at what then was the “mini-campus,” the primordial physical location of the university which has been rapidly overrun by urbanization. That was where I obtained my first two degrees in English and Literature, taught and mentored by world class intellectuals. My good friend and brother, Segun Sobogun, took me on what was to become an extensive tour of an expansive, alluring, well-planned community. I decided to make the school my case study. The student population in the institution today has scaled the 50,000 mark. By the requirements of the Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC) this number qualifies to have about 10 polling units.

Today’s campus of Unilorin has spawned an avalanche of service providers who live-off a functioning, operational institution. Sobogun my friend is one of many landlords who owns and leases his purpose-built hostel within the external precincts of the university. There are food vendors, operators of bars and lounges, outfits rendering a wide range of secretarial services and bookshops, among others. There are banks, shuttle services to move people around the infinite span of the campus which encompasses three local government areas in Kwara State. There are hair salons and boutiques, not forgetting tourist attractions like the man-made lake and a zoological garden, among others. All of these have been out of operation since February 14, 2022, the date of the commencement of the continuing strike. Investors and business owners, breadwinners of their families, continue to count their losses in nail-biting despair, in a stifling Buhari economy.

I wonder why Jonathan is trying to setup a “high jump” for Buhari at a time like this. I wonder how Jonathan expects Buhari, with no known antecedents in trade union negotiation, with established handicaps as a taciturn, limited-in-horizon, stuck-in-his-ways, inflexible character, will spontaneously mutate at 80 years plus. I wonder how it will be broken down for Buhari’s comprehension, the complex, worrying web of mortally dangerous and debilitating spinoffs, arising from the persisting dysfunction of our universities.

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, poet, journalist, author and scholar, is a Member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, (NGE).

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Opinion

Edo 2024: Oshiomhole, Ize-Iyamu ‘show of power’ over APC guber candidates

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

A tell-tale photograph from the secretariat of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Abuja showed Senator and former Governor Adams Oshiomhole (APC, Edo North), beaming, and hugging the party candidate for the September 21, 2024, governorship election in Edo State, Sen. Monday Okpebholo (APC, Edo Central), for accepting to run with Rep. Dennis Idahosa (APC, Ovia Federal Constituency).
Self-assured Oshiomhole’s elated because he’s somewhat regained his mojo that’s lost over the scheming for the APC flagbearer – which he’d primed for Idahosa, but clinched by Okpebholo through the backing of two-time governorship candidate, Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu. And he’s certainly losing out again to Ize-Iyamu in the running mate slot until President Bola Tinubu intervened to save him on his Edo State political turf.
But that photograph got X (formerly Twitter) users engaged on March 18, with a tweep pointing to Okpebholo’s awkward facial expression, as APC’s National Chairman, Dr Abdullahi Ganduje, presented Idahosa as Okpebholo’s running mate. “The look on the face of the governorship candidate says it all,” the tweep notes.
To which another replies: “Because Idahosa is not his choice. He’s imposed on him by the triumvirate of President Tinubu, Sen. Oshiomhole and APC Chairman Ganduje. Sen. Okpebholo’s choice is Ogbeide-Ihama of the PDP, backed by APC and PDP bigwigs in Edo South. We wait and see!”
A third poster warns: “False start! Rule n1 (no 1) in Naija politics; don’t ever have as your running mate a man who previously aspired for the same position you are contesting because he will never be loyal to you. When in office, he will scheme to actualise his ambition even if it means undermining your govt.”
  Yet, an ecstatic Oshiomhole wouldn’t allow social media comments to impeach his “success” at delivering Idahosa for the joint ticket of the APC for the September poll. So, he belatedly congratulated Okpebholo for his “well-deserved emergence” as the party flagbearer. His words: 
“Dear Senator Monday Okpebholo. I extend my heartfelt congratulations on your well-deserved emergence as the flag bearer of our esteemed party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), for the forthcoming Edo State governorship election. Your victory in the closely-contested primaries reflects the belief of our party members in your unwavering dedication and commitment to our party’s core values.
“As we embark on this crucial journey, I urge you to leave behind the intrigues of the primaries and extend a hand of fellowship to all those who contested with you for the ticket, as well as to all stakeholders of our party in the state. Together, we must forge a strong, united front that resonates with the electorate and secures victory in the governorship election on September 21, 2024.
“Your decision to choose Hon. Dennis Idahosa as your running mate, demonstrates great wisdom and foresight. Your joint ticket presents the people of Edo State with the best option to usher in a dynamic, progressive, and responsive government that aligns with the aspirations of our vibrant youth population.
“I am confident in your leadership abilities and believe that, with the support of all APC members across the state, we can restore Edo State to the path of progressive governance, sustainable socio economic growth and political inclusion in all its ramifications.
“Congratulations once again, as I eagerly anticipate our collective efforts towards achieving victory in the upcoming election. Yours in the struggle for the rebirth of a greater Edo State that works for all.”
  As first reported by GWG.NG on March 18, it took Oshiomhole one full month (from February 17 to March 18) to congratulate Okpebholo for securing the APC ticket, defeating Idahosa, who Oshiomhole wanted to railroad in as the candidate for September 21. 
Maybe Oshiomhole wouldn’t have congratulated Okpebholo if he didn’t yield to President Tinubu’s plea to accept Idahosa as his running mate, and shelve his preference for former Rep. Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama, whom Okpebholo had introduced a few days earlier as his running mate, thus sending Oshiomhole into overdrive, as the “coup” was hatched and executed by the Ize-Iyamu camp of the Edo APC.
The harder part for Oshiomhole, going forward, is to justify the inclusion of Idahosa in the APC ticket. He can achieve that by dropping his hubris of “dominating Edo State politics.” Granted Oshiomhole can influence block votes from his homestead of Edo North, but the primary has discernablly shown that he needs more votes from Edo South and Edo Central, from where Ize-Iyamu and his coalition mustered the votes for Okpebholo’s victory.
Oshiomhole’s Tinubu to thank for interceding on his behalf, as Okpebholo – backed by Ize-Iyamu, who shelved his long governorship ambition “for unity of the party” – would’ve paired Ogbeide-Ihama, who’d the support of most APC aspirants, and chieftains of the PDP in Edo South, and probably the legacy faction of Edo PDP, headed by the Deputy Vice Chairman (South-South) of the party, Chief Dan Orbih.
There’re speculations that the Orbih faction across Edo State would “defect” to APC should the Ogbeide-Ihama gambit materialise. That can still happen if Oshiomhole plays his cards well and give the assurance to “dissatisfied” APC (and PDP) members that he’ll – or has actually – come down from his high horse on account of being a Governor, APC’s National Chairman, and a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. 
Oshiomhole got to these positions with the help of party members – he now overlooks – from the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and the APC in Edo State. So, he should give these members their due recognition, and a say and a place in the campaign to deliver the APC and its candidates, as President Tinubu promised on March 18. 
Nothing else will suffice, particularly for Oshiomhole, who should strive to avoid a second consecutive defeat from his erstwhile political protégé-turned traducer, Governor Godwin Obaseki, who sponsors PDP’s candidate, Dr Asue Ighodalo, to succeed him in November 2024.
In his remarks at a gathering of party stalwarts during President Tinubu’s presentation of the APC flag to Okpebholo and Idahosa at the State House, Abuja, on March 18, APC’s National Chairman, Dr Abdullahi Ganduje, stressed the unity of purpose within the party toward achieving poll victory, saying, “Our candidate is soft-spoken, focused, and an achiever. He is a product that is highly marketable, and I am confident that with him as our flag bearer, we will bring Edo back to our party.”
Tinubu also sounded upbeat about the APC winning the governorship, and declared: “Distinguished senator and our flag bearer, we are putting you forward in order to hold the party in trust for us and achieve victory for us. You and your running mate have been described as ‘giant killers,’ and you have worked tirelessly with the party leadership.
“We are going to work with you. We are going to stand with you like the wall (Rock) of Gibraltar. That is all I can assure you. The party is supreme but victory is superior and very important.” The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) first reported the story.
As he invited the Edo APC Woman Leader, Lady Betty Okoebor, to speak on the party’s readiness for the election, the president noted the role of women in electoral contest, saying, “If the women say we are going to win, then we are good to go because they constitute the largest number of voters and the most dedicated,” even as he commended the Ganduje-led APC leadership, the Edo chapter of the party, “for their efforts toward the success of the candidates and the party,” and particularly Oshiomhole, “for his exemplary leadership.”
And there lies the problem of the APC in Edo State ahead of the poll. As first reported by The Nation, Tinubu’s flag presentation followed a March 17 prolonged meeting by stakeholders from Edo, the party leadership and Vice President Kashim Shettima. 
This comes on the back of Oshiomhole’s antics to dictate the process and outcome of the primary on February 17 – which stretched into one week (February 17-23) – due to roadblocks he erected, in cahoots with the party leadership, including Ganduje and Imo State Governor and Chairman of the Progressives Governors Forum (PGF), Sen. Hope Uzodimma.
Pre-primary, Oshiomhole flaunted his closeness to Tinubu, quoting the president as against zoning of the ticket to a particular senatorial district (Edo Central), and countered those – also referencing Tinubu’s “subtle support” for zoning the governorship – to show proof, even as he attempted to shoo-in Idahosa as his “anointed candidate.” But twice, Oshiomhole’s disproved carrying out Tinubu’s “wish, directive or body language.” 
In January, when the National Working Committee (NWC) wished a manageable size of aspirants for the governorship, Oshiomhole, as APC’s leader in Edo, named a “primary election screening committee,” which reduced the number of aspirants from 29 to six. 
The agenda of the “illegal committee” was to enable Oshiomhole rubberstamp Idahosa as his “anointed candidate,” and weed out “formidable aspirants,” such as Ize-Iyamu, who Oshiomhole campaigned against in 2016, as he projected his then godson, Mr Obaseki, but ironically campaigned for in 2020, as he fell out with Obaseki.
Following protests by the 23 or more “disqualified” aspirants, the APC NWC disclaimed the “Oshiomhole committee,” and stated it’s the sole authority to screen the aspirants – 12 of whom it cleared for meeting the primary requirements, and fixed February 17 for a direct primary.
Despite the NWC rebuff, Oshiomhole put into action his “Plan B” to ensure Idahosa’s candidacy. He reportedly procured the services of Sen. Uzodimma, chairman of the APC Edo Governorship Primary Election Committee, who declared Idahosa as winner of the primary even as votes from only eight of the 18 local government areas had been collated, and Okpebholo won handily in six of them. The Chief Returning Officer for the primary, Dr Stanley Ugboajah, eventually declared Okpebholo as the “authentic” winner of the poll. 
As local government returning officers on February 18 also declared Hon. Anamero Dekeri (APC, Etsako Federal Constituency), as the “primary winner,” there’s chaos in the Edo chapter of the APC, and at its Abuja national headquarters, where Ganduje had hurriedly “congratulated” Idahosa on February 17 without waiting for completion of the primary. 
It took Tinubu’s intervention for the NWC to suspend the primary, and fix February 22 for its completion under Cross River State Governor Bassey Otu, who’s initially Uzodimma’s deputy. Sen. Otu finally announced the results on February 23, with Okpebholo returned as the duly elected governorship candidate, beating Idahosa to the second position.
Idahosa rejected the declaration, and vowed legal action should his appeal for remedy fail at the APC appeals committee, which dismissed his petition, and upheld Okpebholo’s plea, with the NWC issuing him a Certificate of Return and President Tinubu presenting him the party flag on March 18. 
But not before Oshiomhole played his last card! He withheld recognising Okpebholo as the APC candidate, and implored (“blackmailed”) Tinubu to enjoin Okpebholo to accept Idahosa as running mate, which the president obliged “to save Oshiomhole from failing the third time to push Idahosa’s candidacy.” This is hoping that Oshiomhole’s learned some lessons in “realpolitik” in Edo State!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

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Murder of 16 soldiers: Ex warlords, others urge Tinubu to act fast

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***Finger Tompolo, others in crisis

As Nigerians continue to grapple with the shock over the murder of some military personnel in Okuama community in Delta state, Ex-Niger Delta Warlords have called on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to quickly take steps to prevent a major crisis brewing in the region.

16 Military personnel including a commanding Officer, two
Majors and one captain with 12 soldiers were murdered
by suspected youths of Okuama community while the soldiers were said to be on a peace mission.

In a statement signed by the Ex- warlords including General Ebi Gold, General Lastborn Ogidi,
General Akpala Odidi, General Freeborn Teacher Owei and
General Sunday Fullpower, the former militants attributed the current unrest in the area to clash of interest amonsgt stakeholders.

The ex – warlord told the side of the story as related by by eye witnesses and residents of the area.

“They said it came as a surprise when after being well received and
entertained, the Military visitors insisted on going with three of the community leaders. The community resisted, reasoning that there was no basis for such and all hell broke loose as the soldiers reportedly opened fire on the community killing several people and injuring so many. Reports say that the soldiers left and returned with reinforcement.

“Other sources say that the soldiers who came were ambushed on the river while returning after the attack on villagers of Okuama, by unknown persons who they said came in about 9 gunboats and the corpses of the Military personnel were recovered in faraway Forcados.

” The genesis of the current crisis was when the former NIMASA DG, Patrick Akpoboloukaimi went to see former Militant leader and now Security consultant to the Federal Government, Chief Government Oweizide Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo and on his way back to his village, Okoloba in Delta state, raised an alarm that he saw a speedboat trailing him.

“He was said to have alerted security forces that were with him who purportedly apprehended the said boat containing six persons including the youth leader of Okuama Community; a rival community to Okoloba, who were also heading towards their village and all were killed. This was said to have led to retaliation by the youths of Okuama community who also sought and killed the youth leader of former DG NIMASA’s village, Okoloba.

The ex-warlords warned that the situation might deteriorate into a major crisis if not properly handled.

They called on the Federal Government to also look into the role Tompolo is playing in the entire crisis

“it has been noticed that in the wake of the Delta
crisis still ongoing, he (Tompolo) clearly has extended the war to Bayelsa community Egbomotoru.

“Tompolo’s Tantita security has led attacks and raids with Soldiers into Bayelsa communities under the excuse that General Endurance popularly known as Amagbein, has a hand in the ongoing crisis in
Delta State.

“As it currently stands, over 80 people had been killed, burnt and thrown into the sea to avoid detection and have also initiated a complete media blackout
on the development as at the Morning of 17th March 2024 in Egbomotoru, Southern Ijaw Local Government Area of Bayelsa State.

“Reliable sources say that there had been over eight (8) attempts before now, with gunboats, houseboats and Tantita Security and Military men to attack Egbomotoru, Amagbein’s village in a bid to subdue and coerce him as he is
seen as a major threat and a force in the region that is seen to be challenging their stake. Amagbein who is said to have become a repentant bunkerer has reportedly resisted being lured into war with the military in order to avoid
being framed as the aggressor.

“Fallout between Tantita boss, Tompolo and his former ally, Amagbein started when the ex-militant refused to be dragged into working for APC Gubernatorial candidate for Bayelsa state, former Governor Timipre Silva and
his running mate, Joshua Maciver who is also an ex militant and the
coordinator of Tantita Bayelsa.

“Another reason for the attacks on Amagbein is said to be his resistance to the monopolization of the Pipeline Security Surveillance contract by Tantita with
Amagbein insisting that it should be shared amongst the various State leaders.

“For this and other reasons as stated above, Amagbein was reportedly denied his wages to the tune of 1.25b and has been threatened and harassed severely for not succumbing to the pressures”

Citing these instances, the Ex-warlords maintained that there is a political undertone to the incidents in the Niger Delta which they describbed as victimization and intimidation.

“This needs to be thoroughly checked within the next 48 hours and the truth unveiled to avoid total breakdown of law and order”

While sympathizing with the soldiers that lost their lives, they asked the Federal
Government to institute an investigation into the issues surrounding the crisis.

They urge the Federal Government under president Tinubu to quickly
and decisively arrest the situation to avoid a full blown war in the Niger Delta
region.

Speaking on the issue a community leader who pleaded anonymity rather asked some rhetorical questions: “why is Tompolo now the commander in chief of the Niger Delta? Why was his company, Tantita boat the one being used by the military in the place ? Is Okuama now oil producing community? Is there pipeline in Okuama? ”

“Why will Tompolos Tantita be used against the Okuama people? The former DG of Nimasa is from okoloba the opposing community in this crises and one of the closest allies to Tompolo who made him DG Nimasa so during Goodluck Jonathan’s tenure. It’s Tompolo using the military and Tantita to fight the Urhobos ? We all know there is no oil in the community so what’s the role of Tompolo’s Tantita in all this?” He queried.

“What are Tantita boats and foot soldiers fighting for in Okuama by leading the security with so many boats used for the operations. Don’t forget that the Okuama people are fully Urhobos while Tantita is predominantly Ijaw youths”

The Ex warlords also called for a probe into the role of Patrick Akpobolokemi in the entire saga.

Akpobolokemi is a former Director-General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, (NIMASA).

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Opinion

Budget Padding: Salient Questions Nobody is Asking Ningi, By Ola Awoniyi

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What was the motive of Distinguished Senator Abdul Ahmed Ningi for raising a controversy over the 2024 federal budget?

Since the Senate at its Plenary of Tuesday 12th March, 2024 deliberated over the matter and handed a three-month suspension to the Bauchi Senator, there have been countless commentaries in the media on the issue but few of them have considered the pertinent questions that would have helped Nigerians see what Senator Ningi sought to achieve by essentially stirring up a hornests’ nest.

To start with, Ningi is not just a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He is a ranking Senator with vast experience in legislative business. Ningi was first elected to the House of Representatives at the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1999 and is one of the longest serving federal lawmakers in Nigeria. He was the Majority Leader in the House of Representatives between 2003 and 2007, and Deputy Majority Leader in the Senate for another four years between 2011 and 2015. Those were privileged positions that made him a Principal Officer in both chambers of the National Assembly. That also means that the Bauchi Senator has participated actively in the passage of the federal budgets at the highest level.

With his experience from all those privileged positions in his long tour of duty at the National Assembly, Ningi understands the nitty-gritty of the legislative and Appropriation processes in both Chambers of Parliament.

Also, as a Distinguished Senator, he has unfettered access to all legislative documents. So it should be disturbing when a Senator of that calibre claimed that there were two versions of the 2024 budget and that the budget, which he actively participated in its passage, was padded with projects costed at trillions of Naira and skewed against his own section of the country.

Let’s note at this point that Ningi never said in his hell-raising BBC (Hausa Service) interview or at that Tuesday Plenary or in any of his subsequent media shows that he was denied access to the budget document, whether as proposed by the Executive or as passed by the two Chambers of the National Assembly. He has the entire document, like every other Senator or Member of the House of Representatives.

Are you not wondering then why he didn’t raise his observations when the document was being processed and during the final passage by the two Chambers?

Given his many years in parliament, it is incredible that Senator Ningi said at that Tuesday Plenary that he didn’t know the full details of the budget. Even more so the claims that he was unaware that the National Assembly jerked up the original budget proposals by N1.2 trillion, from N27.5 trillion to N28.7 trillion, and that he had no knowledge of Statutory transfers of N3.32 trillion to Government institutions and agencies on first line charge.

And curiously, Senator Ningi has not stressed in his media campaign the fact that he is a member of the Senate Appropriation Committee, which anchored the processing of the national budget in parliament. So he is familiar with the document, its content and processing more than many other of his colleague Senators.

The 2024 Appropriation Bill was signed into law on 31st December, 2023. But Ningi waited until 7th March, 2024 to rally some members of the Northern Senators’ Forum (NSF) to complain to the President of the Senate, Godswill Obot Akpabio, about the budget. Why did it take an experienced ranking Senator and a member of the Senate Appropriation Committee two months and seven days after passage to realised that something was amiss with the Appropriation Bill, which is often the most important law passed by Parliament? Why did Ningi wait that long after the Bill had been signed into law to hire a consultant (for N30 million) to scrutinise a document that was presented to the National Assembly on 29th November, 2023?

It was commendable that Senator Ningi at least drew the attention of the Senate President to his “discoveries,” however belatedly.

The Senate President asked to see the details of the “discoveries” made by the consultant. A fellow member of the NSF, Distinguished Senator Ali Ndume, said he also asked Ningi for the same information. But rather than availing them with it, Ningi headed to BBC Hausa Service, the day after the meeting with the Senate President, to grant his explosive interview. Why? And why BBC Hausa Service? Was it to play the ethnic card?

The members of the NSF at the meeting with the Senate President agreed on the need to establish the facts before any further step was taken. So why was Senator Ningi impatient to have his claims verified, even by members of his own Forum, and exhaust internal mechanism for correction of any anomaly before escalating it to an international audience?

Senator Ningi has said repeatedly that the “discoveries” are known to him and only him alone. He has exclusive knowledge of the report of the consultant that he hired, most likely in the name of the NSF. No other member of the Forum is privy to the findings of the consultant. Isn’t that awkward?

Why is he keeping the “findings” to himself? Why is he reluctant to share them with even Distinguished Senators in his Forum?

Some of them implored him to apologise at the Plenary after his claims had been established to be fictitious. But rather than heed their advise, Senator Ningi flew from the main issue to unrelated matters like the take home pay of the Senate President and the number of aides the Senate President and other Principal Officers have! Why?

According to the Senate Leader, Michael Opeyemi Bamidele, Ningi’s astonishing fiction was merely the opening salvo in a plot for Senate leadership change. As it turned out, that plot failed because the protagonist has no backing of any group in the Upper Chamber, not even of the Forum he chaired before the gambit forced him to step aside from the chair.

***Awoniyi, Media Aide to Senate President, writes from Abuja

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