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Ana, Vatsa, Mpape and the fruition of a dream

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By Tunde Olusunle

Mpape, a rocky district in the nation’s capital, Abuja, is not your characteristic venue for a conference, convention or retreat. Not with exquisite facilities like the Transcorp Hilton, Sheraton Hotel and similar upscale hotels in the city.

There is also an avalanche of dedicated event places, in the nation’s capital. Mpape, the rocky topography which has spawned communities, settlements and ultramodern housing estates, is famous as a primary hub for granite mining.

Earthquaking rhythms, reverberating sounds of explosions and bombing blasts therefore, are the defining characteristics of the undulating topography of Mpape. Quarrying activities in the nation’s administrative hub, are predominantly domiciled on those eyeful ranges. And the hummings and grunts of heavy trucks in relentless motions up and down the ascending terrain, is the music of everyday.

All of that, however, temporarily acquiesced to a notable event which recently took place in the district. The superiority of “words of iron and sentences of thunder,” to borrow the expressions of the charismatic poet, Niyi Osundare, took centrestage. They subdued the dust-filled Mpape air, activated by the rapid descent of northerly harmattan.

The cream of Nigeria’s literary producers and their critic counterparts in the engaging vocation of creative writing and literary intellection, congregated up Mpape hills. The dates were Wednesday October 26, through Saturday October 29, 2022. And the event was the 41st Annual Convention of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (ANA). The venue, Mamman Vatsa Writers’ Village.

Mamman Jiya Vatsa, an army Major General in his time, was creatively inclined. He authored verses published as poetry collections including: *Verses for Nigerian State Capitals, (1973); Tori For Geti Bow Leg, (1981) and Back Again at Wargate, (1982). Vatsa also published Reach for the Skies in the same year. The renowned literary scholar, Biodun Jeyifo in a 1988 critique of Vatsa’s work, applauded him for deploying “his enormous influence in government and the federal bureaucracy to avail ANA of much needed infrastructure and logistical support to see the body through at least two of its yearly conferences.”

The administration of Vatsa’s military colleague, Muhammadu Buhari which was in office between January 1, 1984 and August 27, 1985, appointed Vatsa Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT). He had responsibility for the administration of the Federal Capital Territory, (MFCT) and was concurrently, Member of the Supreme Military Council, (SMC), the nation’s highest policy making body in that era. Former military President, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida in 1985, retained him in the position, upon the overthrow of the government of Buhari. Vatsa was reportedly, a childhood friend of Babangida, and one of the coterie of elite military officers in their generation, from Niger State. Others include Gado Nasko, Abdulsalam Abubakar and the late Mamman Kontagora. Barely four months thereafter, Vatsa was arrested and detained “on suspicion to commit treason” and interrogated closed door, by a military tribunal. Alongside his “co-conspirators,” Vatsa on March 5, 1986, was executed by firing squad. They were convicted “for treason associated with an abortive coup.” He was just 45.

Fortuitously, Vatsa had engraved his name and memory, in the sands of time, before his unfortunate despatch. Since its establishment in 1981, as the brainchild of the revered master storyteller himself, Chinua Achebe and half a dozen other like-minded writers, ANA desired an ideal creators’ resort. Achebe’s co-founders of the association June 27, 1981, included: John Pepper Bekederemo-Clark; Timothy Aluko; Femi Osofisan and Niyi Osundare. Two Kenyan writers, the iconic Ngugi wa Thiong’o and Gacheche Wauringi, also attended that premiere.

The association wanted a congenial atmosphere where writers could observe their hideaways and listen to their Muses for inspiration. The FCT under Vatsa’s watch, hosted the Sixth Convention of ANA in the last quarter of 1985, just months before his arrest. The event held within the geographical space of “Usuma dam,” in Bwari Area Council, FCT. Vatsa had acceded to the request of the association, by allocating a sprawling expanse of land in contemporary Mpape district, for the development of its dream, purpose-built writers’ village.

Mpape was then some far-flung, forlorn, forested abutment to the city centre of Abuja which was then being gradually developed into the future capital. If that pseudo-remoteness of Mpape was initially assumed to be a safeguard against the identification of the property by prospectors or trespassers, such calculation turned out to be wrong. Possessing, policing and developing that generous expanse of land in an FCT lapping development like famished fish, was not as straightforward. Indeed, it became a tortuous ding-dong, from one Nigerian government to another, one leadership of the FCT to the next, and indeed from one ANA national executive body to its successor. The dream of the village spawned several twists, turns and tales. When there were no threats of revocation of the property, mischievous land grabbers coveted the asset. At other times, land wheelers and dealers, nibbled substantially ate the ears of the land in places.

Immediate past National President of the association, Denja Abdullahi alludes to “lack of capacity, failed promises, betrayals, revocation, reallocation, long-drawn litigations and brazen trespasses,” as impeding the early consummation of the envisioned project. ANA at some point indeed prayed that some literary-minded national leadership of the country, will launch the physical development of the concept. By the time the visionary and strong-willed ANA leadership under Abdullahi entered into a partnership with KMVL Developers, an expanse of property which was initially a mass of 61 hectares, had shrunk to about 37 hectares! The joke has been made about KMVL, steered by Kolawole Shaw, a retired army Colonel, helping to develop a property earlier allocated by a former army General! Actual development commenced in 2017, and by 2018, the ANA leadership felt confident enough to relocate its secretariat from its temporary abode at the National Theatre, Lagos, to the fledgling Abuja site of the Writers’ Village.

It was an eye-arresting, scenic, burgeoning resort which welcomed delegates to the 40th anniversary of the creation of the organisation last year, hosted between Wednesday November 3 and Saturday November 6, 2021. From the hilly, major access road which leads up into Mpape, the view of the valley on the left side of the road as you approach “Grange Hill Hotel” to your right, is breathtaking! Dominantly inscribed as signpost at the approach of the upcoming community is Mamman Vatsa Writers’ Village. This is the eventual reincarnation of that indomitable soldier-poet, 36 years after his unfortunate liquidation via martial pronouncement. You meander through tar-paved, snaky roads, ascending, descending, taking in the humongous physical development being undertaken in the village.

The cream-coloured “ANA International Conference Centre,” sits royally in the luminous landscape of the Vatsa complex. With a few bungalows in the immediate view, that was about all that was in place during the milestone event in 2021. A caterer was also hired to provide for delegates in the absence of a functional kitchen. The voluminous conference hall has since been fittingly christened *Chinua Achebe International Conference Centre, (CACIC). It houses the association’s national secretariat, which has been named Femi Osofisan ANA National Secretariat. There is also the ANA Library and Research Centre, within the Chinua Achebe Complex.

The pre-event “meet and greet,” was spiced by drama, music and dance, as delegates to the convention savoured banters, back-slaps, drinks and finger foods. Titled: Resilience and Nation Building: The Role of Nigerian Literature, the 40th anniversary lecture was delivered by literary laureate and awardee of the Nigerian National Order of Merit, (NNOM), Emeritus Professor Femi Osofisan. He saluted the memory of the initiator and pioneer leader of ANA, Chinua Achebe. “We cannot forget him,” he said. Speaking about “The Story As Escort,” Osofisan reminded writers about their core obligations to their societies.

According to him: “We are the storytellers, the people who hold the society spellbound by recounting issues that shape and reshape our beings… We are here to create history, to recreate our societies. We will be indicted if we don’t sit up and speak out.” The keynote paper was presented by multiple award-winning Professor Akachi Adimora-Ezeigbo, and titled: *Creativity, Literary Advocacy and Nation Building: The Role of Nigerian Literature. She charged Nigerian writers to “bomb criminals and those responsible for crippling in Nigeria, with words to compel them to change their evil ways.” She expressed delight “for being the very first person to deliver a keynote address on the hallowed grounds of the brand new Writers’ Village!”

For a Convention which was more or less a test run of the new facility, the attendance was impressive. Apart from frontliners like Osofisan and Adimora-Ezeigbo, other renowned writers and scholars in attendance included professors Shamshudeen Amali, Remi Raji, Sunnie Ododo, Al Bishak, Joe Ushie, Rasheed Na’Allah, Moses Tsenongu, Maria Ajima, Mary Nwoye, Dul Johnson, Mabel Evwierhoma and Greg Mbajiorgu. Other renowned writers and stakeholders of the tribe included: Wale Okediran, Lindsay Barrett, Abdul Oroh and John Asein. The ANA Convention retained its appeal as an international brand with writers from Ghana and Cameroun in attendance, notably Sarpong John Asiedu and Pobee Mwintombo, both from Ghana.

The recently concluded 41st International Convention of ANA, and the second such event to be hosted at the Mamman Vatsa Writers’ Village was indeed bigger than the first edition. It began Wednesday October 26, through Saturday October 29, 2022. The theme of the event was: Literature And National Consciousness: The Story As A Catalyst, and the keynote speaker was Abdul Rasheed Na’Allah, Vice Chancellor of the University of Abuja, (UniAbuja). The day before the lecture, however, ANA conferred fellowships on deserving writers and culture workers. These include: Na’Allah, Anaezi Okoro, Moses Tsenongu, Razinat Mohammed, Udenta Udenta, Nduka Otiono and Tess Onwueme and Lindsay Barrett. Yusuf Adamu, Amanze Akpuda, Dul Johnson, Mark Nwangwu, Francis Egbokare, Ademola Da-Sylva and Olabanji Fashina were also inducted as fellows.

Olu Obafemi, recipient of the Nigeria National Order of Merit, (NNOM), spoke at the induction and enjoined inductees to build upon and raise the bar of the state of literature in Nigeria today. Razinat Mohammed, a professor at the University of Abuja, presented the keynote address on Na’Allah’s behalf. The institution was thrown into mourning Monday October 24, 2022, when Adakole Oklobia, a professor of theatre arts, sadly died in an automobile crash. This accounted for the zero turnout of writers and creative practitioners from the school, at the Convention. The session was chaired by Benue State Governor, Samuel Ioraer Ortom, who was represented by his Chief of Staff, Gabriel Tivlumun Nyitse, himself a poet, journalist and mass communications scholar. Nigeria’s musical luminary, *Bongos Ikwue, made a rare appearance at the programme and sang a number of his evergreen songs to the admiration of older participants.

In attendance were legends like: Kalu Uka, Ernest Emenyonu, Adimora-Ezeigbo, Osofisan, Obafemi and Justus Obi Joseph Nwachukwu-Agbada, more prominently known as “JOJ Nwachukwu-Agbada.” Shamshudeen
Amali, Al Bishak, Akpuda, Ushie, Mbajiorgu, Chimalum Nwankwo, James Tsaaior, Chidi Osuagwu, Mngumember Vicky-Sylvester, all distinguished scholars and professors, made it to the event. Obari Gomba, (award-winning poet), John Asein, (Director-General, National Copyright Commission); Nyaknno Osso, (foremost librarian and archivist); Steve Shaba, (reputable publisher), Helen Wang, Chukwudi Eze, (an architect), Emmanuel A. Frank-Opigo, (an engineer), Emmanuel Ojukwu and (a retired police commissioner), participated at the Convention. John Sarpong Asiedu (from Ghana) and Sulayman Tekanyi (from Gambia), gave international colour to the attendance.

The Mamman Vatsa Writers’ Village is work-in-progress. But Nigeria can appropriate to itself today, the bragging rights of giving to Africa, perhaps the first of its kind of haven for writers and literary creators. The Writers’ Village, is an upcoming tourist delight in its own right, even as it stands solidly today in Nigeria’s bright sunny savanna. A few more structures have been added to the budding complex, notably a block of 22 all-ensuite chalets in a multistorey block. Rather than a serial numbering of the rooms in the structure, they are named after notable Nigerian writers and select former leaders of ANA, as the project grows. This is where names like Achebe, Clark, Wole Soyinka, (Nobel laureate), Mabel Segun, Akachi-Ezeigbo, Kole Omotoso, Osofisan, Ken Saro-Wiwa, Odia Ofeimun, and Abubakar Gimba, resonate. Obafemi, Okediran, Jerry Agada, Raji and Abdullahi, also have chalets christened after them.

President of ANA and convener of the Convention, Camilus Ukah, expressed delight at the quality of attendance, vigour of discourse and the rapid acclimatisation of writers to their new environment. He thanked those he described as “living ancestors” of Nigerian literature and literary criticism, for their continuing paternal and maternal guidance to younger writers and the association. He saluted them for leading by example, courtesy of their prompt and regular participation at ANA events, despite the fact that many of them have retired from active formal teaching and research engagements. Gradually, as it were, the tortoise is crawling to its desired destination, as the Yoruba proverb says. Mamman Vatsa Writers’ Village* is yet another symbol of Nigeria’s continuing dominance of literature and creative arts, on the African continent. Elsewhere, Lesotho-based Chris Dunton, a professor of English, has fittingly labelled Nigeria “the powerhouse of African literature.”

Olusunle, poet, journalist, scholar and author, is a Member of the Association of Nigerian Authors, (ANA).

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Opinion

Kwankwaso’s plot to oust Ganduje

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Khalid Ibn Abubakar

Political power play, power game as well as high political interests aggregation, are normal variables that define partisan politics. However, when these correlates are stretched beyond certain limits, there may be the likelihood of ushering in very dangerous instinctual reactions that have huge capacity for destabilizing the polity.
For all followers of the politics of Kano, Northwest Nigeria, particularly between May 29, 1999, to May 29, 2007, there is a tie-back to the historical precedence of the joint electoral victory between Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso as then governor-elect and Alhaji Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, PhD, as deputy governor-elect, respectively.
These two gentlemen were members of the same political party, the Peoples’ Democratic Party {PDP}, but they had definitely passed through varying and divergent socialization processes. Even as it is a known fact that all deputy governors in Nigeria are hardly allowed to exercise full political authority, the duo of Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and Alhaji Abdullahi Umar Ganduje managed to work together in harmony during their first tenure.
For Alhaji Kwankwaso to consider the inclusion of Ganduje as running mate for the second term, however, it was a tug-of-war. Elders of the party, eminent citizens and significant others, intervened, persuaded and eventually prevailed on Kwankwaso to restore Ganduje to the joint gubernatorial ticket as running mate. They expectedly won the elections. So, they worked together for eight years.
Ganduje was to succeed Kwankwaso as governor, perhaps against the wishes of his former political principal and leader who, after his tenure as governor, was rewarded with a high end political portfolio as Nigeria’s minister of defence by the then President Olusegun Obasanjo.
Over time, Ganduje has achieved a solid political stature which tended to overshadow his former principal. The result is that Kano has been split between the two tendencies. The particular human behavioural trait at play here is none other than the human Ego. As a student of the Freudian tradition, one is quick to point out that the major behavioural set back that any political leadership , must avoid in his or her political career, is by avoiding a negative inter-play of the different roles of the three major clinical psychology properties that regulate the impulse of all human, namely, Id, Ego and Superego, respectively.
These three, when negatively influenced, can bring about the downfall of anybody who is somebody, irrespective of his or her social stratification in the larger society.
It is therefore imperative to point out within this medium that the ongoing struggle for political power, relevance and advantage between a former political principal, Alhaji Kwankwaso, and his “junior” associate, Dr. Ganduje — who by way of chronological and mental age is much more senior and better educated than his erstwhile political boss— can all be traced to politics. That is why there is a desperate plot by Kwankwaso and his group to oust Dr. Ganduje as the National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Part of the plot is the sinister scheme to destabilize the Tinubu administration using veiled propaganda, campaign of calumny and allied methods to tarnish APC and its leadership with the hope that such a distraction will add to the political fortunes of Kwankwaso and his NPP in Kano. The calculation is that once Ganduje is out of the way, Kwankwaso and his acolytes can have the whole of Kano to themselves.
Not surprisingly, the whole machinery of the Kano State Government has been deployed to achieve this end.
Dr. Ganduje in his eight years as governor of Kano State produced a very credible democratic scorecard, whose sectoral achievements are cogent and verifiable by any interested member of the public. Apparently not getting adequate results from all the failed plots so far executed by him and his lackeys, Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso does not seem to have any iota of respect for seniority and civilized order.
Devoting and ploughing all his energies towards clandestine schemes aimed at pulling down the personality of Alhaji Ganduje who had paid his dues in society by Allah SWT’s divine blessings, is akin to trying the patience of the Almighty ALLAH SWT. The bitter jealousy of Kwankwaso and his men can be further understood when one considers the fact that Ganduje is an urbane intellectual who obtained his Doctor of Philosophy degree {PhD} at the famous University of Ibadan, in 1993, following his first degree in 1975, when Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso had not dreamt of enrolling in any Higher School Certificate program.
The conditioned behaviour, which had always propelled Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, who has an affinity for wanting to show political dominance over every citizen from Kano State as an infallible dictator, was what made eminent personalities like Alhaji Ibrahim Shekarau and Distinguished Senator Jibrin Barau, just to mention a few, not stay in the same political camp with him.
In Kwankwaso’s world, his word is law. He cannot tolerate democratic tenets. He cannot work with intellectually endowed people. For him, getting Dr. Ganduje out of his current position as the National Chairman of the APC is his greatest headache. He is probably calculating that Ganduje’s ouster will enable him (Kwankwaso) grab a ministerial position as a pre-electoral bargaining condition and convince President Bola Ahmed Tinubu that he has the entire Kano State in his pocket and that his NNPP is waiting in the wings to play ball.
The NNPP gang is full of hypocrites. They demand integrity from others while lacking it themselves. An example: Governor Abba Kabiru Yusuf has appointed Kwankwaso’s son as a member of the Kano State Executive Council. It’s payback time. They are sharing the spoils as all the other parties do. There is no difference between the way they are carrying on and the way Ganduje ran the government. If anything, Ganduje was better. Time will tell.
When Governor Yusuf eventually finds out that he is not allowed to have a mind of his own and that Kwankwaso is supposed to be all-knowing, the current cosy relationship between them will disappear. Owing to the fact that Kwankwaso would always want every eminent political citizen in Kano State to submit to his overbearing and dictatorial tendencies, all who flock around him must play the dummy to be considered loyal.
In their desperation to pull down Alhaji Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, NNPP hirelings have embarked on senseless moves to procure fake “APC Executive Members”, at the ward and state levels, who are their sidekicks. They’ve tried impersonation, blackmail, open threats and all sorts of sabotage to no avail.
From the grapevine, Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s most pressing need now is how best he can penetrate the APC federal administration to get a plum ministerial appointment when the president rejigs his cabinet as expected. To achieve this, he is persuaded that he has to destroy Dr Ganduje. But, if history is anything to go by, all their schemes will fail. For, history teaches us that those who plot the destruction of others often fall on their own sword.

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Opinion

Yoruba Nation agitators: ‘Omoluwabi’ triumph in Oyo invasion by ‘ọmọ àlè’

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

It’s no surprise that Nigeria’s plethora of security agencies – due to their remarkable lack of capacity for intelligence gathering, and non-proactive approach to nipping potential untoward happenings in the bud – missed the planning and execution of the siege to the Government Secretariat in Ibadan, capital city of Oyo State, where so-called Yoruba Nation agitators hoisted their Flag for a proclaimed creation of “Democratic Republic of the Yoruba” on Saturday, April 13, 2024. 
As one of the arrested (or surrendered) suspects – a 55-year-old lecturer at a Federal College of Education – revealed, membership of the Yoruba movement is spread across Yoruba-speaking states, noting that, “Our leaders went to all Yoruba-speaking states to serve officials letters written and we were given our copies. Then the proclamation was made and after the declaration, occupation, and notification to the world that Yoruba is an indigenous nation.”
Yet, overt and secret security operatives missed the publicised mobilisation for the agitators’ D-Day – or they never took it seriously, or were in cahoots with and sympathetic to their cause – until the storm almost blew in the faces of law-abiding citizens of Oyo State, the South-West and Nigeria at large.
Despite their “treasonable” felonious action – as pronounced by Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde, and the state Commissioner of Police Adebola Hamzat – Nigerians should be grateful though that the armed agitators for a Yoruba Nation weren’t out for real mischief but a somewhat show of symbolism, knowing they’d be challenged eventually. Otherwise, there’d have been “wailing and gnashing of teeth,” as they wreak untold havoc before security operatives rouse themselves from inertia.
Forget the chest-beating by the governor on April 16 – when he received in his office the 46th General Officer Commanding the 2 Mechanised Division, Odogbo Barracks, Ibadan, Maj. Gen. Obinna Onubogu – that, “the Emergency Security Response was activated and it worked. The response was quick, and timely and I believe the hoodlums and miscreants met something that was beyond their imagination. Within one hour, everything was under control. And we are grateful for the timely response.”
Also, discountenance the Police bragadocio that, “the agitators turned violent and opened fire on the Police, and a detachment of Amotekun corps was present. The Police responded and were joined by Operation Burst Patrol teams and Personnel of other security agencies, who suppressed the treason and dealt with the agitators in line with Standard Operating Procedure (SOP).” 
Wonders! If the agitators opened fire and the Police responded, how many people on both sides were injured or killed? None reported! lf the Police were that capable, efficient and alive to their responsibilities, why literally escort the heavily-armed “miscreants” – dressed in some sort of military camouflage – in their whirlwind journey to the Government Secretariat that houses the Governor’s Office and State House of Assembly, where they hoisted their Flag? Didn’t the Police guess they’re headed in that direction, and should’ve striven to cut them off before they got there?
And why did the Police ask the “miscreants to dispatch” (go away) until they “turned violent and opened fire” on operatives? Would the Police have allowed the agitators to go scot-free, if they’d dispersed “peacefully” from their intent to forcefully overthrow a democratically-elected government, in breach of the amended 1999 Constitution of Nigeria?
The efficiency or lack of it of Nigeria’s security architecture isn’t the theme here, but the near-universal condemnation of the agitators by the Yoruba, for bringing opprobrium to the ethnic group that’s the beacon of democracy and intellectual discourse of any issues that will reshape the structure of the Nigerian federation.
From the umbrella Yoruba socio-cultural organisation, Afenifere, to the Yoruba Council of Elders (YCE); from leading Yoruba Nation activists, Prof. Banji Akintoye of Ilana Omo Oodua Worldwide and Chief Sunday Adeyemo (alias Sunday Igboho) (who distanced themselves from the invasion), to Governor Makinde and his government; and from former Military Governor and ex-Deputy National Chairman of the PDP, Chief Olabode George and other prominent Yoruba individuals and groups, it’s wholesale repudiation of the Yoruba Nation agitators, their leaders and sponsors.
The denial of involvement by Igboho and Akintoye is germane because of their prime leadership role in and links to the struggle for Yoruba self-determination. Reacting via a Facebook Live, Igboho said: “I know nothing about it (invasion) and I don’t know those behind it… Any person that said he is agitating for Yoruba Nation and is going to attack government facilities, that person or group is on his own; I don’t know anything about it.”
Similarly, Akintoye alleged that another separatist leader (name withheld) was behind the incident in Oyo State, saying, “I have spoken to Sunday Igboho. Some people sent them (agitators) to make sure that they disrupt the Yoruba self-determination struggle. I was informed a few minutes ago that some people… have come to take over the government of Yorubaland, and that they have arrived in Ibadan. We, in this struggle, don’t act in that manner.”
Top on the series of excoriation came on April 17 from President Bola Tinubu – a Yoruba and unarguably one of the most influential pro-democracy activists of this generation – who, read the riot act to the agitators and similar cohorts that, those threatening Nigeria’s sovereignty “will have a price to pay.”
Tinubu, hosting a delegation of Afenifere at the State House, Abuja, including its leader, Pa Reuben Fasoranti, and Oba Olu Falae – on a solidarity visit aftermath of the Yoruba Nation agitators’ invasion of Oyo – said that, “I am irrevocably committed to the unity of Nigeria and constitutional democracy. Those who think they can threaten the sovereignty of Nigeria will have themselves to blame. They have a price to pay. And we are not going to relent.”
Besides the Police declaring wanted the alleged “mastermind” and a former wife of the winner of the military annulled June 12, 1993, presidential election, the late Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola (GCFR) – whose family members have disowned the woman’s action in what many concerned Yoruba describe as a “coup d’etat” that should be punished under the relevant laws – the Oyo State government, by court orders, has demolished a building identified as “operational base” of the Yoruba Nation agitators, and several other buildings used as hideouts in Ibadan.
Till this moment – over one week after the brazing incident in Ibadan – no Yoruba leader or group has backed the effrontry of the agitators. There’ve been no charge by the agitators or their supporters and sympathisers that they’re put down forcefully by the federal and state governments, and security agencies.  
No allegations of scores or hundreds of the agitators killed and injured, and no claims of suppression, victimisation, marginalisation and ethnic cleasing of the Yoruba race in Nigeria. No malicious reports to, and calls for intervention of external bodies, such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), African Union (AU), Commonwealth of Nations, United Nations, and the International Criminal Court (ICC). 
No calls on the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France, Canada, Australia and Japan to exert their political, economic, diplomatic and military powers on Nigeria and back the agitators for a Yoruba Nation. Nor have there been calls on the Nigerian military to overthrow the government of President Tinubu for threatening to deal with those troubling the territorial integrity of Nigeria.
What Nigerians have heard and seen so far – and which’s worthy of emulation by other sections of the country – is the Yoruba leading by example on how individuals and groups should conduct themselves in a complex multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-linguistic society as Nigeria’s for a peaceful and harmonious coexistence.
It’s apt to quote a post on X (formerly Twitter) by a social commentator and best-selling author, Mr. Reno Omokiri,  @renoomokiri, on the Yoruba Nation agitators’ saga. He states that, “to understand why the Yoruba are the most influential and the wealthiest people in Nigeria, study how they (not the Federal Government) dealt with the so-called Yoruba Nation agitators, who tried to cause havoc and chaos in Ibadan last week.”
“First of all, the families of those involved publicly denounced them. In fact, one of the affected families took out an advert. That is to show you social responsibility at the family level,” Mr Omokiri says.
“Then, the society rose against them, with community members forging them out and pointing out their properties and hideouts to the authorities. That demonstrates social cohesion and a society with a secure moral fabric. Secessionists can only operate where there is local support. If there is no local support, they will evaporate. 
“Next, the State Government did not wait for the Federal Government or their agencies. In less than a week, they had arrested all of those involved, demolished their properties and brought criminal charges against them. That is evidence of a responsible sub-national government. 
“No prominent Yoruba came out to make excuses for these agitators, or sympathise with them. As a unit, they called them by their names – miscreants. They did not even call them Unknown Miscreants (nobody is unknown to the community, except the community wants to hide behind one finger). They named and shamed them!”
The totality of how the Yoruba rose to the occasion of the agitators’ storming of Oyo is located in “Omoluwabi” (Omoluabi) – a cultural concept that’s native to the Yoruba people. It’s used to describe a person of good character. 
The omoluabi concept, according to Wikipedia, “signifies courage, hard work, humility and respect. An omoluabi is a person of honour who believes in hard work, respects the rights of others, and gives to the community in deeds and in action. Above all, an omoluwabi is a person of integrity.”
So, in the context of the episode in Ibadan – and the pre-cautionary measures put in place in other South-West states – an omoluwabi isn’t irrational and disruptive, but calculative and deliberative in choosing and applying intellect and persuasion over brawn that’s wilfully displayed by the Yoruba Nation agitators. 
As a tweep notes in response to the @renoomokiri post, “People that bring shame to their families are called ‘ọmọ àlè’ (derogatorily, an illegitimate child, bastard) in Yoruba. Ordinarily, a properly brought-up Yoruba son brings honour to his family. We don’t do blame game in Yoruba land, we call a spade a spade. A Yoruba mother will give away (hand over) her own son if he breaks law.”
Another tweep says, “If other regions in the nation adopted this kinetic and proactive approach – terrorism, kidnapping, banditry, and other criminal vices will be reduced in the society. Will tribalism, ethnicity and religion sympathy allow them to think deeply?”
That’s the big question, as the government and security agencies delve into the remote and immediate causes of the Yoruba Nation agitators’ activities on April 13! As noted by Gen. Onubogu during his visit to Governor Makinde, “We are indeed in a period of security challenges… This incident is unfortunate, as it shows that despite the peace that exists in Oyo State, there are still sons and daughters of South-West Nigeria, who are bent on challenging Oyo State, the entire South-West as well as Nigeria as a whole.
“I have taken note of some of the gaps that preceded this incident and I want to assure you that under my watch, we will play our part to ensure that such a situation does not arise again. As our adversaries have made their intentions known, it will be foolhardy for us not to refocus and ensure the people of Oyo remain safe.” 
Investigations into the invasion shouldn’t be farfetched, as some of the arrested agitators have given the investigators leads to follow. A female agitator said those who sponsored the invasion promised to put an end to starvation in her life, adding, “the sponsors promised me and my entire family that they would empower us and that our future would be assured. Starvation would no longer be in our lives and that cost of living would automatically come down.”
Another suspect didn’t regret his action, stressing, “We all know that nothing is working in Nigeria and things are hard for everyone except those in government. We were at the Secretariat waiting for our leader to come and address us. We believe our leader knows much about the law and so we were not afraid to join when we were called upon. Our leaders told us that all challenges Yoruba are facing shall be addressed if we achieve our aim.”
And from Ondo State, where precautionary measures were taken to forestall any similar incident, a group of “Yoruba Nation Youths,” both Home and Diaspora, has told the state government – and insisted that – “they are not terrorists but a legitimate group of youths demanding Yoruba Nation, self-determination and independence.”
In closing, Governor Makinde’s words to Gen. Onubogu resonates: “Concerning the unfortunate incident, what I can say is that we must win the war, but we must also win peace. It is a challenging period!” Absolutely challenging times for Nigerians and the entire country!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

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Opinion

White Lion is everywhere, but blind, frustrated critics won’t find him

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Yahaya Bello
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As an indigene of Kogi State from Ijumu Local Government, I am always concerned about any issue that has to do with Kogi State’s affairs and I do my best to be involved, even if modestly, in her development. I love my state and I love my people, without necessarily compromising my patriotism to Nigeria, my country.

For some time now, I have come to notice that certain dark interests, often political, like to project all that is negative about Kogi State with a glee that is symptomatic of zonked-out analysts.

The latest half-witted article by Tunde Olusunle on Kogi State and its immediate past Governor, Yahaya Bello, portrays the journalist as seemingly away with the fairies. I will hold forth about it in a bit.

I am not a member of the APC nor a beneficiary of Yahaya Bello’s political largesse while in office. In fact, I’m not a politician in the real sense of the word. I’m an entrepreneur.

The best selling comic play titled ‘Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again’ authored by Professor Olawale Gladstone Emmanuel Rotimi and published in 1977 best captures how to describe Tunde Olusunle as related to his recent article titled ‘Abeg, Where Is “White Lion?”‘

One would have assumed that at his age with decades of professional experience, he would have been circumspect about certain issues. Even if he wished to satisfy his paymasters who must have contracted him to pen trash about his state or an individual, he would have made an attempt not to fritter away whatever little honour he had left.

I know that the country is hard and some individuals whose best lives are behind them would crunch even on faeces just to survive another day, especially those in the category of pretending that all is still well with them when they are actually floundering financially – a typical tragedy of living in the illusion of past glory. That’s quite understandable.

The precis of Olusunle’s uninformed article is that it is a worthless vituperation of a frustrated and failed political wannabe whose attempts at political relevance in Kogi State have met with catastrophic denouement. I don’t want to bore the reader with bouquets of unsupported asseverations imputed by Olusunle against Yahaya Bello. Investing valuable time in such would be counter-productive. I just want to address the obvious elements of insanity in the article.

During the 2023 presidential election, a lot of the people who unleashed negative propaganda against candidate Bola Ahmed Tinubu did so out of implacable personal hatred for the man.

The hatred in their speeches and writings was so clear. It was aggressive hatred without substance. It was so bad that some people were praying for him to die! Many fake prophecies from agitated prophets saturated traditional and social media on a daily basis. But the man weathered all the storms, beat them silly and eventually emerged as Nigeria’s President.

Not that his detractors have stopped, but they have been decimated significantly by the shame they bear consequent upon his victory. Former President Muhammadu Buhari also suffered the same fate.

Buhari would be the first presidential candidate in Nigeria to read his own obituary while still alive. A sitting Governor then, Ayodele Fayose, took front-page advertorials in major newspapers in the country and added Buhari’s picture to the list of Nigeria’s dead presidents and heads of state.

He claimed that Buhari might not last even one year in office. Therefore, why burden the country with such a walking vegetable? The hatred was that bad! Buhari went ahead to complete eight years in office and departed healthier and younger than he came in.

Yahaya Bello is the latest victim of deliberate personal hatred and relentless blackmail by his detractors and those he has trumped in the slick, yet complex terrains of Kogi State politics. A lot of political cavilers in Kogi State have yet to come to terms with the divine intervention that produced Yahaya Bello in 2016.

Kogi’s ethnopolitical warlords who have arrogated to themselves the permanent mandate to govern the confluence state found themselves suddenly vanquished by higher terrestrial forces beyond human comprehension. They could not believe that Yahaya Bello, from where he came, could be such a candidate for divine benevolence.

They rebelled and kicked. From day one, they chose blackmail and crude propaganda as weapons of foul warfare. For these ignoble characters and their ubiquitous social media goons, every woman who suffered a miscarriage did so because of Yahaya Bello. If their dogs died, it was Yahaya Bello. If they failed to prepare well for an election and lost, Yahaya Bello was their ready scapegoat. It was a loathsome circle of certainty.

The hatred in Olusunle’s baseless article is poorly disguised, if at all. Authentic professional journalists base their submissions on hard, indubitable facts. They do not orchestrate a bum steer, as the Americans would say. But this is what someone who, to all intents and purposes, should be a respected veteran in the field of journalism has chosen to do for survival stipends.

His claims that Yahaya Bello is in hiding are particularly spurious and nauseating. I live in Abuja and I can confirm that Yahaya Bello has been in his Zone 4 residence for a long time. He has been seen observing Taraweeh and receiving guests for Iftar throughout the Ramadan period. He goes to the Mosque for Jumat prayers every Friday.

For goodness sake, the man left Abuja for Okene to celebrate Eid in the full glare of thousands of Kogites, and entertained hundreds of Muslim faithful and his political associates for Sallah before returning to Abuja two days later. He even travelled to Lagos to pay homage to President Bola Tinubu for the Eid-el Fitr celebrations. What a way to hide!

Olusunle claims that Yahaya Bello is on the run and hiding under a bed. My question is “For what in particular?” Security agencies are not the types to base their investigations and arrests on phoney allegations as all those raised in Olusunle’s mucky script are.

They don’t pay attention to hideous misinformation being peddled by discombobulated political midgets in desperate search for long-lost relevance.

Olusunle seems to be suffering from nomenclature attachment syndrome. Psychologists have impressed on us from time immemorial that a person’s name is more than just identification.

They have educated us that when we hear our names, it triggers a unique psychological response. In this case, we may be dealing with a syndrome called pervasive egosyntonic sadistic behaviour.

In Yoruba language, Olusunle means “Olu has burnt the house”. And the Yoruba say “orukọ ọmọ lo n ro ọmọ”, meaning a child’s name influences his/her behaviour.

But if Olu must burn anybody’s house, he should choose his father’s house to burn, not another person’s house of honour. Meanwhile, Kogi State is a house that no jackass can burn down.

Exacerbated insanity defines the character of purveyors of allegations that cannot be substantiated. To answer your question, writer Olusunle, White Lion is everywhere, going about his normal activities, and discerning Nigerians are aware. But blind, frustrated critics won’t find him.

– Olorunfemi Obadofin Braimoh, a security consultant and public affairs analyst, wrote from Abuja.

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