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Still on the persona of the essential Atiku Abubakar

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By Tunde Olusunle

He contested the gubernatorial election of January 9, 1999 on the platform of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, (PDP), to be governor of the north eastern state of Adamawa and won handsomely. His closest rival was a seasoned politician, Bala Takaya, of what was then known as the All Peoples’ Party, (APP). The party would subsequently tinker with its name to make it the All Nigeria Peoples’ Party, (ANPP). The electoral demographics between him and his major competitor was over 45000 votes at the time, which was very huge. The margin between Aminu Tambuwal and Ahmad Aliyu in Sokoto State, in 2019, was as slender as 342 votes! While awaiting his inauguration scheduled for May 29, 1999, however, fate changed his political trajectory.

Olusegun Obasanjo, the retired army general who was once military head of state, emerged winner at the presidential primary of the PDP, held in Jos, Plateau State, mid-February 1999. Atiku Abubakar, the retired public servant had earned his stripes as leader of the Peoples’ Democratic Movement, (PDM). The pan-Nigerian political association was formed by Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, who was Obasanjo’s deputy when the latter was military head of state. Atiku commanded respect and adulation from his colleagues, governors-elect, who deferred to him for his experience and political savvy. Immediately after the Jos primary, a running mate had to be on the ballot with Obasanjo, who opted for Atiku Abubakar.

Atiku’s running mate on his governorship ticket, was Boni Haruna, a young political scientist whose paths had crossed Atiku’s, at several junctions. Haruna for instance, was deputy managing director of “Sub-Saharan Press Ltd,” publishers of Lagos-based news magazine, The Week floated by Atiku. Once he retired from the public service into politics, Atiku had been advised to own a publication which will give him a voice in the political space. Chris Mammah, a journalist and longtime acquaintance of Atiku, was the managing director of the organisation. It was from this position that Atiku plucked Haruna, a Christian like Mammah, to balance his governorship ticket. Mammah is a christian from Delta State, by the way.

Haruna was automatically upgraded governor-elect, following Atiku’s transmutation to presidential running mate. A muslim deputy, Bello Tukur, was sought for him for essential ethno-religious balance. But both from the traditional establishment and the burgeoning political class, there was murmured disaffection and dissent to the new status quo. There were indeed sponsored litigations, which tested the position of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, on this novel political configuration. And tried as appellants did, Atiku stood steadily and solidly behind Haruna.

As he settled down to his brief as vice president, Atiku’s even-handedness and pan-Nigerianness came to the fore. As with the president, some of his aides were assigned from the pool of public service agencies. And Atiku made no fuss about that. Baba Gana Zanna, ambassador and chief of protocol, (Borno); Azu Ndukwe, seasoned medical doctor and chief physician to the VP, (Anambra), were in this bracket. Same were Abdullahi Nyako, (principal secretary, (Adamawa) and Abdul Yari Lafiya, (Nasarawa), who was then a deputy superintendent of police, (DSP). He is now assistant inspector general of police, AIG) and was Atiku’s ADC. Mahmoud Ahmed, senior operative from the Department of State Services, (DSS) and chief security officer to the VP, also belonged to this category.

By the curious governance configuration of the Obasanjo regime, all presidential aides were first and foremost appointees of the president, who were thereafter deployed to various departments and organisations as the case may be. Atiku’s chief of staff, Olusola Akanmode, (from Kogi); media adviser, Chris Mammah, (Delta); legal adviser, Maxwell Gidado, professor and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN, (Adamawa) and media assistant, Emeka Ihedioha, (Imo), were all christians. His gender-sensitivity was manifest as he appointed Tokunbo Adeola, a christian from Ogun State as special assistant on the National Economic and the National Privatisation Councils, respectively. She diluted the virtual all-male “cast” of the VP’s office.

Nath Yaduma, (Adamawa), Atiku’s longtime acquaintance also joined him on the special duties brief. Aides of the flagbearer of the PDP who were assigned various schedules, included: Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo, (Kogi), who functioned as media adviser for a while before being appointed managing director of the Daily Times of Nigeria Plc. Usman Bugaje, (Katsina); Hamilton Isu, (Ebonyi); Ajuji Ahmed; Umar Ardo; Butrous Pembi, among others, were also appendages of the VP’s office. By the second term of the Obasanjo/Atiku administration, seasoned technocrats and professionals like Sam Oyovbaire, Emeritus professor, (Delta); Garba Shehu, (Kano); Shima Ayati, (Benue); Andy Okolie, (Imo) Adeolu Akande, (Oyo); Chike Okolocha, (Delta), all joined Team Atiku.

Atiku enthroned a dispensation of regular engagement between him and his aides, which they looked forward to. There was a weekly meeting between him and his principal aides to review his activities and programmes in the previous week, and to plan and prepare for the new week. Away from the serious mien, the serially misconstrued haughtiness of his public profile, you find in Atiku a genteel, regular, friendly guy, who would laughingly banter with you. You wonder how he contains these divergent sides of him in one.

Back home in Adamawa State, January 2003, the four year old democratic regime was going to stage the very first elections of the fourth republic, by itself. Boni Haruna the incumbent desired a second term as governor. There were also other aspirants. As he was yielded the microphone at the gubernatorial primary, Atiku shocked many people. There was a general assumption that with the weight of his office, he was in a position to “right the wrong” done to the state in 1999, when Haruna became governor by “default.”

Atiku pleaded with leaders and delegates of the PDP, to endorse, without equivocation, Haruna for a second term in office. According to him, democracy was just beginning to take root in the country. Haruna, he explained, did well during his first term in office and should be supported for his constitutionally allowed second term in office. Atiku explained that four years was just around the bend, so aspirants should please persevere. Those who thought the former Vice President would capitulate to religious sentiments were astounded. He reminded dissenters that they were free to exercise their democratic rights by pursuing their ambitions in other political parties.

It is very important to lay this precedence against the backdrop of the gross mismanagement of Nigeria’s ethno-religious equilibrium under the watch of the Muhammadu Buhari presidency. At every turn, Buhari has left no one in doubt about his rabid irredentism on the grounds of religion and tongue. Under him, we’ve had a government where 80 per cent of the service and intelligence chiefs, are from the president’s section of the country. What is more, they are adherents of his own faith. It is from his own geopolitical zone, the north west, where all the members of the federal executive council, are all substantive ministers, manning very strategic, maybe “juicy” ministries, as in local parlance.

These include: finance; defence; police affairs; water resources; agriculture and rural development; aviation; justice; environment; humitarian affairs and disaster management, a whopping 10, out of 44 ministers, including the president himself who is the substantive minister of petroleum! Elsewhere, we have two ministers from the south, including a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, (SAN), marooned into a minuscule ministry like we see in labour and productivity. It is under Buhari’s superintendence, that all the heads of the various arms of government, and in some instances their deputies, are adherents of the same religion.

Each time he was privileged to hoist the flag of a political party, Atiku as a matter of sensitivity and appreciation of Nigeria’s secularism, has always run with christian co-contestants. Ben Obi and Peter Obi, both christians from the south east, were his running mates in some of his earlier attempts at the presidency. Atiku has not mutated one bit, as he has once again named a southern christian, Arthur Ifeanyi Okowa, the incumbent governor of Delta State, as his sparring partner. Typically, you will find around and about Atiku, a consistent pot pourri of Nigerians from every part of the country. Bukola Saraki, Liyel Imoke, Emeka Ihedioha, Mohammed Hayatudeen, Ben Murray-Bruce, Raymond Dokpesi, Abdul Ningi, Jide Adeniji, Ehigie Uzamere, Tunde Ayeni, Biodun Olujimi, Osita Chidoka, Babangida Aliyu, Adamu Maina Waziri, Mukhtar Shagari, Ndudi Elumelu, Timi Frank are some of those you will mostly find with him. By any stretch of imagination, this is pan-Nigerian.

Atiku’s major challenger, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, on the other hand, has thrown it in the face of Nigerians, that we must contend with a same faith presidency, if he makes it. The last time Nigerians had such a ticket was the Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola/Baba Gana Kingibe pairing in the historic “June 12, 1993” election. It was a much different Nigeria and Nigerians from all ethnicities, faiths, beliefs, enthusiastically and unanimously, voted for that ticket. Almost 30 years down the line, it’s a totally different Nigeria we have today. The outgoing Buhari administration has grievously accentuated and aggravated our fault lines. Year 2023 will not be the same as 1993.

Atiku Abubakar holds the promise, the key for the healing, comforting, soothing, rediscovery and resetting that Nigeria urgently and earnestly needs. This country desires and deserves genuine reunification after the multilayered dismemberment we have suffered in the vice grip of the utterly mean-spirited, insensitive, unfeeling Buhari era. If Buhari, solely, has brought to bear on us the multiplex afflictions we have endured in the last eight years, wouldn’t a joint ticket of candidates of the same faith deepen and worsen our collective predicament?

Tunde Olusunle, PhD, is Special Adviser, Media and Publicity to Atiku Abubakar, GCON, presidential candidate of the PDP.

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Opinion

Edo 2024: Oshiomhole, Ize-Iyamu ‘show of power’ over APC guber candidates

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

A tell-tale photograph from the secretariat of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Abuja showed Senator and former Governor Adams Oshiomhole (APC, Edo North), beaming, and hugging the party candidate for the September 21, 2024, governorship election in Edo State, Sen. Monday Okpebholo (APC, Edo Central), for accepting to run with Rep. Dennis Idahosa (APC, Ovia Federal Constituency).
Self-assured Oshiomhole’s elated because he’s somewhat regained his mojo that’s lost over the scheming for the APC flagbearer – which he’d primed for Idahosa, but clinched by Okpebholo through the backing of two-time governorship candidate, Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu. And he’s certainly losing out again to Ize-Iyamu in the running mate slot until President Bola Tinubu intervened to save him on his Edo State political turf.
But that photograph got X (formerly Twitter) users engaged on March 18, with a tweep pointing to Okpebholo’s awkward facial expression, as APC’s National Chairman, Dr Abdullahi Ganduje, presented Idahosa as Okpebholo’s running mate. “The look on the face of the governorship candidate says it all,” the tweep notes.
To which another replies: “Because Idahosa is not his choice. He’s imposed on him by the triumvirate of President Tinubu, Sen. Oshiomhole and APC Chairman Ganduje. Sen. Okpebholo’s choice is Ogbeide-Ihama of the PDP, backed by APC and PDP bigwigs in Edo South. We wait and see!”
A third poster warns: “False start! Rule n1 (no 1) in Naija politics; don’t ever have as your running mate a man who previously aspired for the same position you are contesting because he will never be loyal to you. When in office, he will scheme to actualise his ambition even if it means undermining your govt.”
  Yet, an ecstatic Oshiomhole wouldn’t allow social media comments to impeach his “success” at delivering Idahosa for the joint ticket of the APC for the September poll. So, he belatedly congratulated Okpebholo for his “well-deserved emergence” as the party flagbearer. His words: 
“Dear Senator Monday Okpebholo. I extend my heartfelt congratulations on your well-deserved emergence as the flag bearer of our esteemed party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), for the forthcoming Edo State governorship election. Your victory in the closely-contested primaries reflects the belief of our party members in your unwavering dedication and commitment to our party’s core values.
“As we embark on this crucial journey, I urge you to leave behind the intrigues of the primaries and extend a hand of fellowship to all those who contested with you for the ticket, as well as to all stakeholders of our party in the state. Together, we must forge a strong, united front that resonates with the electorate and secures victory in the governorship election on September 21, 2024.
“Your decision to choose Hon. Dennis Idahosa as your running mate, demonstrates great wisdom and foresight. Your joint ticket presents the people of Edo State with the best option to usher in a dynamic, progressive, and responsive government that aligns with the aspirations of our vibrant youth population.
“I am confident in your leadership abilities and believe that, with the support of all APC members across the state, we can restore Edo State to the path of progressive governance, sustainable socio economic growth and political inclusion in all its ramifications.
“Congratulations once again, as I eagerly anticipate our collective efforts towards achieving victory in the upcoming election. Yours in the struggle for the rebirth of a greater Edo State that works for all.”
  As first reported by GWG.NG on March 18, it took Oshiomhole one full month (from February 17 to March 18) to congratulate Okpebholo for securing the APC ticket, defeating Idahosa, who Oshiomhole wanted to railroad in as the candidate for September 21. 
Maybe Oshiomhole wouldn’t have congratulated Okpebholo if he didn’t yield to President Tinubu’s plea to accept Idahosa as his running mate, and shelve his preference for former Rep. Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama, whom Okpebholo had introduced a few days earlier as his running mate, thus sending Oshiomhole into overdrive, as the “coup” was hatched and executed by the Ize-Iyamu camp of the Edo APC.
The harder part for Oshiomhole, going forward, is to justify the inclusion of Idahosa in the APC ticket. He can achieve that by dropping his hubris of “dominating Edo State politics.” Granted Oshiomhole can influence block votes from his homestead of Edo North, but the primary has discernablly shown that he needs more votes from Edo South and Edo Central, from where Ize-Iyamu and his coalition mustered the votes for Okpebholo’s victory.
Oshiomhole’s Tinubu to thank for interceding on his behalf, as Okpebholo – backed by Ize-Iyamu, who shelved his long governorship ambition “for unity of the party” – would’ve paired Ogbeide-Ihama, who’d the support of most APC aspirants, and chieftains of the PDP in Edo South, and probably the legacy faction of Edo PDP, headed by the Deputy Vice Chairman (South-South) of the party, Chief Dan Orbih.
There’re speculations that the Orbih faction across Edo State would “defect” to APC should the Ogbeide-Ihama gambit materialise. That can still happen if Oshiomhole plays his cards well and give the assurance to “dissatisfied” APC (and PDP) members that he’ll – or has actually – come down from his high horse on account of being a Governor, APC’s National Chairman, and a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. 
Oshiomhole got to these positions with the help of party members – he now overlooks – from the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and the APC in Edo State. So, he should give these members their due recognition, and a say and a place in the campaign to deliver the APC and its candidates, as President Tinubu promised on March 18. 
Nothing else will suffice, particularly for Oshiomhole, who should strive to avoid a second consecutive defeat from his erstwhile political protégé-turned traducer, Governor Godwin Obaseki, who sponsors PDP’s candidate, Dr Asue Ighodalo, to succeed him in November 2024.
In his remarks at a gathering of party stalwarts during President Tinubu’s presentation of the APC flag to Okpebholo and Idahosa at the State House, Abuja, on March 18, APC’s National Chairman, Dr Abdullahi Ganduje, stressed the unity of purpose within the party toward achieving poll victory, saying, “Our candidate is soft-spoken, focused, and an achiever. He is a product that is highly marketable, and I am confident that with him as our flag bearer, we will bring Edo back to our party.”
Tinubu also sounded upbeat about the APC winning the governorship, and declared: “Distinguished senator and our flag bearer, we are putting you forward in order to hold the party in trust for us and achieve victory for us. You and your running mate have been described as ‘giant killers,’ and you have worked tirelessly with the party leadership.
“We are going to work with you. We are going to stand with you like the wall (Rock) of Gibraltar. That is all I can assure you. The party is supreme but victory is superior and very important.” The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) first reported the story.
As he invited the Edo APC Woman Leader, Lady Betty Okoebor, to speak on the party’s readiness for the election, the president noted the role of women in electoral contest, saying, “If the women say we are going to win, then we are good to go because they constitute the largest number of voters and the most dedicated,” even as he commended the Ganduje-led APC leadership, the Edo chapter of the party, “for their efforts toward the success of the candidates and the party,” and particularly Oshiomhole, “for his exemplary leadership.”
And there lies the problem of the APC in Edo State ahead of the poll. As first reported by The Nation, Tinubu’s flag presentation followed a March 17 prolonged meeting by stakeholders from Edo, the party leadership and Vice President Kashim Shettima. 
This comes on the back of Oshiomhole’s antics to dictate the process and outcome of the primary on February 17 – which stretched into one week (February 17-23) – due to roadblocks he erected, in cahoots with the party leadership, including Ganduje and Imo State Governor and Chairman of the Progressives Governors Forum (PGF), Sen. Hope Uzodimma.
Pre-primary, Oshiomhole flaunted his closeness to Tinubu, quoting the president as against zoning of the ticket to a particular senatorial district (Edo Central), and countered those – also referencing Tinubu’s “subtle support” for zoning the governorship – to show proof, even as he attempted to shoo-in Idahosa as his “anointed candidate.” But twice, Oshiomhole’s disproved carrying out Tinubu’s “wish, directive or body language.” 
In January, when the National Working Committee (NWC) wished a manageable size of aspirants for the governorship, Oshiomhole, as APC’s leader in Edo, named a “primary election screening committee,” which reduced the number of aspirants from 29 to six. 
The agenda of the “illegal committee” was to enable Oshiomhole rubberstamp Idahosa as his “anointed candidate,” and weed out “formidable aspirants,” such as Ize-Iyamu, who Oshiomhole campaigned against in 2016, as he projected his then godson, Mr Obaseki, but ironically campaigned for in 2020, as he fell out with Obaseki.
Following protests by the 23 or more “disqualified” aspirants, the APC NWC disclaimed the “Oshiomhole committee,” and stated it’s the sole authority to screen the aspirants – 12 of whom it cleared for meeting the primary requirements, and fixed February 17 for a direct primary.
Despite the NWC rebuff, Oshiomhole put into action his “Plan B” to ensure Idahosa’s candidacy. He reportedly procured the services of Sen. Uzodimma, chairman of the APC Edo Governorship Primary Election Committee, who declared Idahosa as winner of the primary even as votes from only eight of the 18 local government areas had been collated, and Okpebholo won handily in six of them. The Chief Returning Officer for the primary, Dr Stanley Ugboajah, eventually declared Okpebholo as the “authentic” winner of the poll. 
As local government returning officers on February 18 also declared Hon. Anamero Dekeri (APC, Etsako Federal Constituency), as the “primary winner,” there’s chaos in the Edo chapter of the APC, and at its Abuja national headquarters, where Ganduje had hurriedly “congratulated” Idahosa on February 17 without waiting for completion of the primary. 
It took Tinubu’s intervention for the NWC to suspend the primary, and fix February 22 for its completion under Cross River State Governor Bassey Otu, who’s initially Uzodimma’s deputy. Sen. Otu finally announced the results on February 23, with Okpebholo returned as the duly elected governorship candidate, beating Idahosa to the second position.
Idahosa rejected the declaration, and vowed legal action should his appeal for remedy fail at the APC appeals committee, which dismissed his petition, and upheld Okpebholo’s plea, with the NWC issuing him a Certificate of Return and President Tinubu presenting him the party flag on March 18. 
But not before Oshiomhole played his last card! He withheld recognising Okpebholo as the APC candidate, and implored (“blackmailed”) Tinubu to enjoin Okpebholo to accept Idahosa as running mate, which the president obliged “to save Oshiomhole from failing the third time to push Idahosa’s candidacy.” This is hoping that Oshiomhole’s learned some lessons in “realpolitik” in Edo State!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

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Murder of 16 soldiers: Ex warlords, others urge Tinubu to act fast

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***Finger Tompolo, others in crisis

As Nigerians continue to grapple with the shock over the murder of some military personnel in Okuama community in Delta state, Ex-Niger Delta Warlords have called on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to quickly take steps to prevent a major crisis brewing in the region.

16 Military personnel including a commanding Officer, two
Majors and one captain with 12 soldiers were murdered
by suspected youths of Okuama community while the soldiers were said to be on a peace mission.

In a statement signed by the Ex- warlords including General Ebi Gold, General Lastborn Ogidi,
General Akpala Odidi, General Freeborn Teacher Owei and
General Sunday Fullpower, the former militants attributed the current unrest in the area to clash of interest amonsgt stakeholders.

The ex – warlord told the side of the story as related by by eye witnesses and residents of the area.

“They said it came as a surprise when after being well received and
entertained, the Military visitors insisted on going with three of the community leaders. The community resisted, reasoning that there was no basis for such and all hell broke loose as the soldiers reportedly opened fire on the community killing several people and injuring so many. Reports say that the soldiers left and returned with reinforcement.

“Other sources say that the soldiers who came were ambushed on the river while returning after the attack on villagers of Okuama, by unknown persons who they said came in about 9 gunboats and the corpses of the Military personnel were recovered in faraway Forcados.

” The genesis of the current crisis was when the former NIMASA DG, Patrick Akpoboloukaimi went to see former Militant leader and now Security consultant to the Federal Government, Chief Government Oweizide Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo and on his way back to his village, Okoloba in Delta state, raised an alarm that he saw a speedboat trailing him.

“He was said to have alerted security forces that were with him who purportedly apprehended the said boat containing six persons including the youth leader of Okuama Community; a rival community to Okoloba, who were also heading towards their village and all were killed. This was said to have led to retaliation by the youths of Okuama community who also sought and killed the youth leader of former DG NIMASA’s village, Okoloba.

The ex-warlords warned that the situation might deteriorate into a major crisis if not properly handled.

They called on the Federal Government to also look into the role Tompolo is playing in the entire crisis

“it has been noticed that in the wake of the Delta
crisis still ongoing, he (Tompolo) clearly has extended the war to Bayelsa community Egbomotoru.

“Tompolo’s Tantita security has led attacks and raids with Soldiers into Bayelsa communities under the excuse that General Endurance popularly known as Amagbein, has a hand in the ongoing crisis in
Delta State.

“As it currently stands, over 80 people had been killed, burnt and thrown into the sea to avoid detection and have also initiated a complete media blackout
on the development as at the Morning of 17th March 2024 in Egbomotoru, Southern Ijaw Local Government Area of Bayelsa State.

“Reliable sources say that there had been over eight (8) attempts before now, with gunboats, houseboats and Tantita Security and Military men to attack Egbomotoru, Amagbein’s village in a bid to subdue and coerce him as he is
seen as a major threat and a force in the region that is seen to be challenging their stake. Amagbein who is said to have become a repentant bunkerer has reportedly resisted being lured into war with the military in order to avoid
being framed as the aggressor.

“Fallout between Tantita boss, Tompolo and his former ally, Amagbein started when the ex-militant refused to be dragged into working for APC Gubernatorial candidate for Bayelsa state, former Governor Timipre Silva and
his running mate, Joshua Maciver who is also an ex militant and the
coordinator of Tantita Bayelsa.

“Another reason for the attacks on Amagbein is said to be his resistance to the monopolization of the Pipeline Security Surveillance contract by Tantita with
Amagbein insisting that it should be shared amongst the various State leaders.

“For this and other reasons as stated above, Amagbein was reportedly denied his wages to the tune of 1.25b and has been threatened and harassed severely for not succumbing to the pressures”

Citing these instances, the Ex-warlords maintained that there is a political undertone to the incidents in the Niger Delta which they describbed as victimization and intimidation.

“This needs to be thoroughly checked within the next 48 hours and the truth unveiled to avoid total breakdown of law and order”

While sympathizing with the soldiers that lost their lives, they asked the Federal
Government to institute an investigation into the issues surrounding the crisis.

They urge the Federal Government under president Tinubu to quickly
and decisively arrest the situation to avoid a full blown war in the Niger Delta
region.

Speaking on the issue a community leader who pleaded anonymity rather asked some rhetorical questions: “why is Tompolo now the commander in chief of the Niger Delta? Why was his company, Tantita boat the one being used by the military in the place ? Is Okuama now oil producing community? Is there pipeline in Okuama? ”

“Why will Tompolos Tantita be used against the Okuama people? The former DG of Nimasa is from okoloba the opposing community in this crises and one of the closest allies to Tompolo who made him DG Nimasa so during Goodluck Jonathan’s tenure. It’s Tompolo using the military and Tantita to fight the Urhobos ? We all know there is no oil in the community so what’s the role of Tompolo’s Tantita in all this?” He queried.

“What are Tantita boats and foot soldiers fighting for in Okuama by leading the security with so many boats used for the operations. Don’t forget that the Okuama people are fully Urhobos while Tantita is predominantly Ijaw youths”

The Ex warlords also called for a probe into the role of Patrick Akpobolokemi in the entire saga.

Akpobolokemi is a former Director-General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, (NIMASA).

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Opinion

Budget Padding: Salient Questions Nobody is Asking Ningi, By Ola Awoniyi

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What was the motive of Distinguished Senator Abdul Ahmed Ningi for raising a controversy over the 2024 federal budget?

Since the Senate at its Plenary of Tuesday 12th March, 2024 deliberated over the matter and handed a three-month suspension to the Bauchi Senator, there have been countless commentaries in the media on the issue but few of them have considered the pertinent questions that would have helped Nigerians see what Senator Ningi sought to achieve by essentially stirring up a hornests’ nest.

To start with, Ningi is not just a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He is a ranking Senator with vast experience in legislative business. Ningi was first elected to the House of Representatives at the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1999 and is one of the longest serving federal lawmakers in Nigeria. He was the Majority Leader in the House of Representatives between 2003 and 2007, and Deputy Majority Leader in the Senate for another four years between 2011 and 2015. Those were privileged positions that made him a Principal Officer in both chambers of the National Assembly. That also means that the Bauchi Senator has participated actively in the passage of the federal budgets at the highest level.

With his experience from all those privileged positions in his long tour of duty at the National Assembly, Ningi understands the nitty-gritty of the legislative and Appropriation processes in both Chambers of Parliament.

Also, as a Distinguished Senator, he has unfettered access to all legislative documents. So it should be disturbing when a Senator of that calibre claimed that there were two versions of the 2024 budget and that the budget, which he actively participated in its passage, was padded with projects costed at trillions of Naira and skewed against his own section of the country.

Let’s note at this point that Ningi never said in his hell-raising BBC (Hausa Service) interview or at that Tuesday Plenary or in any of his subsequent media shows that he was denied access to the budget document, whether as proposed by the Executive or as passed by the two Chambers of the National Assembly. He has the entire document, like every other Senator or Member of the House of Representatives.

Are you not wondering then why he didn’t raise his observations when the document was being processed and during the final passage by the two Chambers?

Given his many years in parliament, it is incredible that Senator Ningi said at that Tuesday Plenary that he didn’t know the full details of the budget. Even more so the claims that he was unaware that the National Assembly jerked up the original budget proposals by N1.2 trillion, from N27.5 trillion to N28.7 trillion, and that he had no knowledge of Statutory transfers of N3.32 trillion to Government institutions and agencies on first line charge.

And curiously, Senator Ningi has not stressed in his media campaign the fact that he is a member of the Senate Appropriation Committee, which anchored the processing of the national budget in parliament. So he is familiar with the document, its content and processing more than many other of his colleague Senators.

The 2024 Appropriation Bill was signed into law on 31st December, 2023. But Ningi waited until 7th March, 2024 to rally some members of the Northern Senators’ Forum (NSF) to complain to the President of the Senate, Godswill Obot Akpabio, about the budget. Why did it take an experienced ranking Senator and a member of the Senate Appropriation Committee two months and seven days after passage to realised that something was amiss with the Appropriation Bill, which is often the most important law passed by Parliament? Why did Ningi wait that long after the Bill had been signed into law to hire a consultant (for N30 million) to scrutinise a document that was presented to the National Assembly on 29th November, 2023?

It was commendable that Senator Ningi at least drew the attention of the Senate President to his “discoveries,” however belatedly.

The Senate President asked to see the details of the “discoveries” made by the consultant. A fellow member of the NSF, Distinguished Senator Ali Ndume, said he also asked Ningi for the same information. But rather than availing them with it, Ningi headed to BBC Hausa Service, the day after the meeting with the Senate President, to grant his explosive interview. Why? And why BBC Hausa Service? Was it to play the ethnic card?

The members of the NSF at the meeting with the Senate President agreed on the need to establish the facts before any further step was taken. So why was Senator Ningi impatient to have his claims verified, even by members of his own Forum, and exhaust internal mechanism for correction of any anomaly before escalating it to an international audience?

Senator Ningi has said repeatedly that the “discoveries” are known to him and only him alone. He has exclusive knowledge of the report of the consultant that he hired, most likely in the name of the NSF. No other member of the Forum is privy to the findings of the consultant. Isn’t that awkward?

Why is he keeping the “findings” to himself? Why is he reluctant to share them with even Distinguished Senators in his Forum?

Some of them implored him to apologise at the Plenary after his claims had been established to be fictitious. But rather than heed their advise, Senator Ningi flew from the main issue to unrelated matters like the take home pay of the Senate President and the number of aides the Senate President and other Principal Officers have! Why?

According to the Senate Leader, Michael Opeyemi Bamidele, Ningi’s astonishing fiction was merely the opening salvo in a plot for Senate leadership change. As it turned out, that plot failed because the protagonist has no backing of any group in the Upper Chamber, not even of the Forum he chaired before the gambit forced him to step aside from the chair.

***Awoniyi, Media Aide to Senate President, writes from Abuja

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