By Maikudi Tanko Yahaya

Many of my generation can relate with a very popular song; What’s Gwan released in the early ’90s by Aniocha North-born Okeleke Elumelu, better known by his stage name, Ras Kimono. The dread locked wearing reggae exponent who brought his rustic village, Onicha Olona in Delta state to national, regional, and to reasonable extent global recognition ruled the airwaves along his other colleagues like Mandators, late Majek Fashek, Orits Williki and few others. The wide-eyed dance hall crooner who by the way would have being 66 years old this month, according to news reports slumped at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos while waiting to board a flight to the United States of America was pronounced died moments later at an Ikeja-based hospital on 10th June 2018 at the age of 60.

While working on this article, the title of that lyrically strong and masterful produced song which by every standard was a marketing success came to mind. With the frequency of snide remarks and subtle attacks on the presidential media adviser, Ajuri Ngelale, one can’t help but ask “what’s Gwan.”

During campaigns and after his emergence as the president-elect of Nigeria, Bola Tinubu was equivocal and unapologetic about his intentions to include youths in sensitive positions in his government. Weeks after his inauguration on May 29, 2023, Tinubu set the ball rolling by putting action to his promise with the appointment of Ajuri Ngelale as his Special Adviser, Media. This to a large extent, came as a huge surprise to many in the country’s media fraternity. Hitherto, some familiar names had being flying around as likely choice for the position.

Indeed, with the emergence of Ngelale as the chief spokesman and publicist, Tinubu, in some ways has ingeniously created history, and broke away from the norm. Appointing Ngelale, in his late ’30s to such high-profiled position further confirms Tinubu’s commitment to youth inclusivity in his government. Also, Ngelale when juxtaposed with his predecessors, since 1999, from Doyin Okupe to Late Tunji Oseni, Late Remi Oyo, Segun Adeniyi, Reuben Abari, and Femi Adesina seems to be less popular, accomplished and experienced. All but one of these former media advisers are (were) distinguished fellows and members of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, (NGE). That Tinubu entrusted the management of his media and publicity to someone derogatorily regarded as “rookie” by some people speaks volume about his penchant for youth-growth, and capacity development.

Further to this, Tinubu has shown that he is conscientiously committed to grooming the younger generation for leadership with the appointments of more youths into his government. Betta Edu, suspended Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation Minister; Khalil Halilu, Executive Vice Chairman/Chief Executive of National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure, (NASENI); Jamila Bio-Ibrahim, Minister of Youths Affairs and her colleague the Minister of state; and few others are all in their 30s. The appointment of 37 year old Ngelale, and that of his contemporaries succinctly confirms Tinubu’s status as a leader passionate about grooming youths for the future.

Despite Tinubu’s noble, novel initiative, and determination to encourage the participation, involvement, and elevation of youths in his government, it thus appears that some people are opposed to Ngelale. From careful analysis, he has being subject of criticism, complaints, and characterisation by people who somehow detest his ambitious, audacious, and unusual confidence and operations. For some people, they feast on any issue to not only pour their frustrations and anger on Ngelale but also throw tantrums and invectives to mischievously whittle down his hardwork. Any unintended slip from the United Arab Emirates issue to USA’s NASDAQ and Maersk incident are used as avenues to roll out salacious and jealousy-imbeded comments and statements.

For now, it’s apposite to ask those opposed to Ngelale, why now? Criticisms are good, necessary for effective and efficient deliveries and performances. But when hate, dislike, and anger are clothe and cloaked in garment of constructive engagement it impedes concentration, confidence, character, and capacity. For now, contrary to the moonlight tales and negative narratives of those who appears miffed with Ngelale, the Rivers-born publicist who is the youngest occupier of the position is not doing badly. Given his professional background as a hard-nosed and hardworking reporter in AIT, and CHANNELS before his transition to public service as aide on public affairs to former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, and now as Tinubu’s spokesman, the light-skinned, and six-foot tall son of former water resources Minister, Precious Ngelale is improving on the job.

As someone who strikes as receptive to new ideas, professional initiatives, and constructive criticism from genuine quarters, the writer believes Ngelale would be willing to hear, listen to robust engagements from any person. Rather than resort to regular “exposure and vilification” of his “errors and gaffes” it is advised that these professionals should offer genuine counsel whenever necessary to help grow and nurture the career growth of their younger brother and colleague.

Maikudi Tanko Yahaya is a Public Affairs Analyst based in Kaduna

By Ehichioya Ezomon

In my copy of Monday, January 15, 2024, entitled, “Shaibu’s talk about Obaseki’s betrayal laughable,” I posed the question, “Do politicians have conscience, and if they do, does it prick them?” This followed the declaration by the lately impeached Deputy Governor Philip Shaibu, that Governor Godwin Obaseki had betrayed him by refusing to back his aspiration to succeed him on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
Comrade Shaibu had reckoned that Obaseki supporting his ambition would be reciprocal for what he did to aid his first and second term elections, and his governments (under All Progressives Congress (APC) and PDP, respectively). Rather, Obaseki “anointed” a Lagos-based lawyer and financier, Dr Asue Ighodalo, to succeed him in November 2024.
In the article, I likened Shaibu’s accusation to “the kettle calling the pot black,” nudging him to recall “how he betrayed former Governor Adams Oshiomhole – whom he still addresses as ‘my father,’ perhaps to humour him – in order to ingratiate Mr Obaseki, who also betrayed Comrade Oshiomhole.”
Then, I took Shaibu through Oshiomhole’s unilateral endorsement of Obaseki against opposition from formidable foundation members of the defunct Action Congress (AC) and Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), “and did a yeoman’s campaign” for him to win the 2016 governorship.
But not long after, Obaseki broke with Oshiomhole for allegedly “attempting to lord it over him and his government as a ‘godfather,’ – which Oshiomhole really assumed in 2016 to swing the candidacy for and ‘crown’ Obaseki as Governor of Edo State.”
In closing, I noted that, if Obaseki could undermine “Oshiomhole’s benevolent spirit that broke his palm kernel for him,” and reward Oshiomhole with a series of betrayals, who’s Shaibu to escape retribution from Obaseki, who’s already “anointed” by Governor Oshiomhole as ‘Governor-in-waiting’ before Shaibu’s picked as his running mate?
That intro question of whether politicians have conscience, and if it pricks them, needs emphasising, owing to what’s happening in Rivers State between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his “political godfathers” and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Mr Nyesom Wike, who Fubara’s rebelled against for alleged overbearing influence on his government that came into office on May 29, 2023.
Ahead of the general election – and the March 18, 2023, governorship poll that ushered in Fubara – Wike had “anointed” him against opposition from PDP chieftains, who’d assumed that Wike would pick one of them for governor after he’d “encouraged” them to so dream. They accused Wike of picking Fubara because he’s of his Ikwerre ethnic stock, whereas Fubara’s an Ijaw.
During the campaigns, Wike’s everywhere, as if he’s gunning for a “third term” in office. Like the mother-hen that protects her chicken from the predator-hawk, Wike shielded Fubara from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), which declared him wanted for alleged financial sleaze perpetrated in his office as the Accountant General of Rivers State. Due to EFCC’s intense manhunt for Fubara, Wike literally assumed the candidate for the election.
Wike took all the arrows, darts and bullets aimed at Fubara, and made him governor under the PDP even when Wike – in support of the candidate of the APC, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu (now President of Nigeria) – worked against the interest of the PDP presidential candidate, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar.
This was similar to what former President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007) did for the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua (2007-2010), when his bid for president was hampered by ailments that kept him mostly overseas from the campaign trail. Obasanjo more or less “swapped” position with Yar’Adua and campaigned for him to win the 2007 presidential poll.
Ditto for Senator and former Governor Orji Uzor Kalu of Abia State (1999-2007), who campaigned for his then Chief of Staff, Theodore Orji, who’s detained in a Lagos jailhouse over corrupion allegation. On the strength of Dr Kalu’s campaign under the defunct Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA), Orji won the governorship from prison, and was released to assume office in 2007.
In 2016, Oshiomhole, so to speak, “carried on his back” Godwin Obaseki – the nominal chairman of his government’s Economic Strategy Team (EST) – while campaigning for him to succeed him as governor in November of that year, which Obaseki did.
There’s no crystal ball to foretell if Yar’Adua would’ve estranged Obasanjo had he lived beyond 2010 when he died, but he’s beginning to question some of Obasanjo’s policies, and even the election that brought him (Yar’Adua) to power in 2007 as indeed “rigged” in his favour. But Governors Obaseki, and Orji dealt with their political benefactors, Comrade Oshiomhole and Dr Kalu, accordingly.
Not surprising – given the MO of Nigerian politicians, Governor Fubara’s toeing a likely line, forgotting so soon Wike’s political sacrifices for him, and thus proving a liner from a book by former Rivers Governor Peter Odili (1999-2007) – and quoted by Wike – that, “Give a man power and money, that’s when you will know the person.” 
“If you have not given a man power and money, do not say you know the person,” Wike adds in an interview on African Independent Television (AIT), in reaction to the torching of the Rivers State House of Assembly on October 9, 2023, in attempts by pro-Wike lawmakers to impeach Fubara, who pulled down the complex to prevent the lawmakers’ action against him.
With power and money, Fubara’s graduated from “bended knee” (sevant) to straightened knee (master), and daily challenges Wike’s political clout, and his professed love for Rivers State. For instance, on April 27, on a visit to condole with “former Governor Celestine Omehia” on the death of his mother, Mrs Ezinne Cecilia Omehia, Fubara vowed he’d not kneel (to Wike) to govern Rivers.
(By law, Omehia’s never a governor of Rivers State, as his few weeks/months in office was vitiated by the Supreme Court, which declared Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi as the duly-elected governor of the PDP in 2007, sworn-in and ruled for eight years (2007-2015) – even though he only won the PDP primary, and didn’t participate in the governorship election, as he’s exiled in Ghana, afraid for his life from alleged officially-backed political goons. It’s Omehia who, supported by Wike, that campaigned and “won” the poll, which the Supreme Court voided because Amaechi won the primary for the governorship poll.)
Fubara’s words: “Anybody who claims to love this state should not be party to anything, directly or indirectly, that will bring us backwards. We will continue to support every course (cause) that will advance the interest of our dear Rivers State.
“And I am happy to say, and I’ve said it over and again, it doesn’t matter the number of people that are standing with me, I will stand on the side of truth. I will not, I repeat, I will not govern our dear state on my knees. If that was the purpose, I will not do that. I will stand to govern our dear state and stand continually on the side of (what’s) right.”
In response, Omehia expressed appreciation, on behalf of his family, to Governor Fubara, his delegation and other friends, among whom were those he described as “mature elders,” for the show of love.”
Then, Omehia massaged Fubara’s ego, saying, “I have taken a decision to be SIMplified (an alias derived from the governor’s name, Siminalayi). Wherever you (Fubara) go is where I will go. If you say tomorrow you are no more interested in this position, I will also stop fighting for anything in Rivers State.”
Omehia stated emphatically that almost the entire people of the State, including chiefs, elders, opinion leaders, women, youths, civil society groups and professionals across all spectrums, “were praying and working assiduously for the success of the Fubara administration,” stressing it was that support and prayers of the people that he needed to succeed, because, “one with God, is with majority, and would always excel and succeed.”
The inevitable questions: Wasn’t Fubara on “his knees” when he’s aspiring to be governor of Rivers State? Didn’t he bow, cower, crawl, cringe, flatter and genuflet to Wike to achieve his ambition? If Wike had asked him to commit a criminal act against Rivers State, would Fubara be his own man he claims, and stand straight and look the governor in the face and say, “no, I won’t do it?” 
Why does Fubara think he loves Rivers more than Wike; that only a few Rivers people, like Omehia, “understand that Rivers State belongs to everyone of us,” and “we must, therefore, fight together to sustain the soul of this state,” and that, “anybody who claims to love this state should not be party to anything, directly or indirectly, that will bring us backwards?”
Really? Because Wike – who single-handedly brought Fubara into his government, appointed him Accountant General, and anointed and crowned him as governor – asked him to honour a behind-the-scenes gentleman’s agreement Fubara entered into, Wike’s become an enemy intent on destroying Rivers State he’s helped to develop in his eight-tenure as governor (2015-2023)?
Does Fubara equate his fight over personal political and other hidden interests as a fight for the soul of Rivers? No, Mr Governor! Your fight isn’t for Rivers State nor for Rivers people, who weren’t there when you probably signed an agreement(s) you knew would mortgage the state! Now, you claim victimhood, stirring up, and blackmailing the innocent, but gullible citizens of Rivers to assist you to fight your self-induced battles with Wike! 
If Fubara actually believes “politics of bitterness will not take us anywhere,” he should shealth the sword, stop rattling the sabre and threatening fire and brimstone everywhere and at any opportune moment – such as he did during a solemn occasion of condoling with Sir Omehia over the death of his beloved mother.
There’re no half measures for peace. It’s holistic and enduring. If you want peace, you continually talk peace. If you talk peace, you cultivate peace. If you cultivate peace, you walk peace. If you walk peace, you drop the stick for the carrot. If you preach peace, you don’t pursue war. For war doesn’t achieve peace, but eternal enmity. 
You don’t pretend to preach peace, and do the opposite. It amounts to betrayal of trust, and the cause. It cuts deeply, even in politics where there’s no permanent friend or permanent enemy but permanent interest.
The road to peace – which Fubara preaches openly while also fanny the embers of discord – is to honour another gentleman’s agreement he publicly endorsed at the Presidential Villa in Abuja on December 19, 2023, before President Bola Tinubu, his (Fubara’s) representatives, and Wike and those in his camp.
Agreed that controversy trailed the eight-point agreement, which’s the outcome of Fubara’s reported personal invitation to Tinubu, to intervene in the crisis in the Rivers polity. Yet, contrary to claims by newfound political allies, Fubara didn’t object to any of the items, and he signed the document in the presence of his backers, some of whom also signed the agreement.
Fubara, in a Christmas broadcast on Monday, December 25, 2023, said the resolution brokered by Tinubu to resolve the crisis was “not a death sentence,” but would ensure lasting peace in the state, and pledged to implement the agreement in such a way that would restore political stability in Rivers.
This was as the National Working Committee (NWC) of the PDP warned Fubara against implementing the accord without its input, while some Rivers elders filed writs against President Tinubu and others for allegedly violating the amended 1999 Constitution, by finding political, rather than legal solutions to the Rivers crisis. Just imagine, faulting the deployment of a political strategy to solving a political issue!
Present on the government side at the parley were President Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu and the president’s Chief of Staff, Mr Femi Gbajabiamila; and on Wike’s side we’re Wike, Rivers Assembly Speaker Martin Amaewhule, and APC Chairman, Rivers State, Mr Tony Okocha
From the governor’s camp were Fubara, former Governor Odili, Deputy Governor Ngozi Odu, and PDP Chairman, Rivers State, Mr Aaron Chukwuemeka; and those who signed the agreement included Fubara, Wike, Prof. Odu, Ribadu, Amaewhule, Okocha and Chukwuemeka. 
As a governor, who claims to “stand by the side of truth and the side of (what’s) right,” it behoves, and is incumbent on Fubara to wholeheartedly respect President Tinubu and his intervention in the Rivers palaver, and honour the “peace agreement” fully, and not pick-and-choose for piecemeal implementation that’s the potential to exacerbate tension in Rivers State. The eight-point Resolutions are as follows: 
• All matters instituted in the courts by Fubara, and his team shall be withdrawn immediately.
• All impeachment proceedings initiated against Fubara by Rivers Assembly should be dropped immediately.
• The leadership of the Rivers Assembly, as led by Amaewhule, shall be recognised alongside the 27 members who resigned from the PDP to APC.
• Remunerations and benefits of members of Rivers Assembly and their staff should be reinstated immediately and the Rivers governor shall, henceforth, not interfere with the full funding of the Assembly.
• The Rivers Assembly shall choose where to sit and conduct legislative business without interference and/or hindrance from the Executive arm.
• Governor Fubara shall represent the state budget to a properly-constituted Rivers State House of Assembly.
• The names of commissioners, who resigned their appointments due to the political crisis in Rivers, should be resubmitted to the Assembly for approval.
• There should be no caretaker committees for Rivers State local governments. The dissolution of the Local Government administration is null and void and shall not be recognised.”
Looking through the items in the agreement, it’s evident that Governor Fubara’s continued to sidetrack the sticky issues that backgrounded the political crisis in Rivers. This, and other matters will be treated in the next installment!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

By Bolaji Afolabi

For democracy to thrive, it is imperative that various elements including opposition political parties, civil societies, faith and community-based organisations, the media, and citizens play their respective roles as watchdog of government in every way, where possible. Since Nigeria’s return to full-blown democracy in 1999, the fourth republic has witnessed the emergence and relevance of some individuals and groups who, at different times and diverse ways performed defining functions as checks to successive governments. The likes of Olisa Agbakoba, SAN; Ayo Obe; Late Yinka Odumakin; Idiat Hassan; Ene Obi; Auwalu Rafsijani; Hussein Abdu; Clement Nwankwo; Kayode Ogundamisi; Jite Ogunye; SISLAC; SERAP; CDD; PLAC; PLAN; Action Aid; Save Nigeria Group as recognized and legitimate groups and activists have succeeded in monitoring different governments. As properly constituted entities whose primary agenda is national development, they have remained largely focused by giving knocks, offering back-pats, and proffering perspectives to governments where and when necessary.

In the past few years there has been a preponderance of self-styled CSOs whose objectives and modus operandi are patently pecuniary-driven and attention-seeking. A situation like this calls to question the integrity and morality of “public policing” in democratic development. It is tragic that in most cases, these latter-day organisations are largely procured to “fight a cause” and do the bidding of certain pay masters without recourse to objectivity, sincerity of purpose and national interest. Sadly, these incongruous and derisive groups which are usually managed by one-man or few persons are by their narrow mindedness and selfish desires doing collosal damage to national growth and development. Careful analysis of the activities of CSOs during military governments, and the early years of the fourth republic when juxtaposed with what is presently obtainable reveals glaring decline. In terms of effectiveness and efficiency, these “new age” groups are shamelessly rubbishing the noble ideals of CSOs as enunciated by its progenitors such as Late Gani Fawehinmi; Late Chima Ubani; Late Beko Ransome-Kuti; Late Bala Usman and others.

Unknown to many Nigerians, in the past few days, there has been a coordinated effort by some faceless individuals and phoney CSOs to skew narratives about the injection of $600m into Nigeria’s economy by A.P. Moller-Maersk, a global maritime and shipping conglomerate. The vicious and contrived controversy generated, is patently unpatriotic, outrightly devilish, and ludicrously juvenile. Attempts to poo-pooh and demonise certain government officials notably Ajuri Ngelale, the presidential media adviser, and throw invectives at the audacious moves by the Tinubu administration in negotiating and sourcing foreign direct investment is totally uncalled for.

I have never met Ngelale. He was a familiar face on television before his current brief in the Tinubu scheme. I speak in this instance as a politically unaffiliated journalist and a dispassionate Nigerian. To rehash the catchphrase of former President Muhammadu Buhari in his early days, “I belong to no political party, but I belong to every well-intentioned plan to get Nigeria working.” One of the “fast food, pasta-like” CSOs procured for this insipid project has deployed vacuous tactics in its stain and spoil statement, calling for the disengagement of some government officials. The plot has clearly exposed the intentions of these purveyors of falsehood, deceit and confusion. Having had years of close interaction with activists, research, investigation, and less sensationalism should ordinarily be germane to the principles and operations of CSOs. Unfortunately, these attributes have been jettisoned by the groups and individuals involved in this anti-Ngelale plot. Their approach has been at best mischievous preposterous, insensitive, and insourciant to national interest.

In their respective bids to present skewed and rancorous agglomeration of variegated misinformation with mischievous intents, they forgot to uphold the time-tested and serially-proven operational guidelines anchored on fairness, firmness, and objectivity. They seem to have chosen the route of deliberate falsehood, targeted browbeating, and pillorying innuendos to whip up public sentiment against government. They have most probably recoursed to wrongful vilification and demagoguery of government officials to elicit a bandwagon effect among unsuspecting Nigerians. This may be a reflection of competency deficit, conceived shenanigans and intellectual indolence. After detailed and dispassionate reviews, assessment and distillation of the narratives and explanations by government and it’s accusers, one can conclude that the “CSOs and individuals” are guilty of one or more of these conjectures.

From reports in the local and foreign media, President Bola Tinubu and Mr. Robert Maersk Uggla, Chairman of A.P. Moller-Maersk, a Danish global provider of logistics and services in the maritime industry had a meeting on the sidelines of the recently concluded World Economic Forum in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. According to the presidency, at the end of deliberations, Maersk, whose company has been operating in Nigeria’s shipping and maritime sector for over three decades reiterated it’s commitment to on-going investment drive by government towards deepening growth and development. Maersk further re-affirmed the company’s resolve to expand its investment in the Nigeria’s shipping industry which is expected to be mutually beneficial. However, in a bogus campaign to downplay this laudable development, some CSOs, social media influencers, and opinion moulders copiously refered to a “rebuttal” published in Lloyd List, one of the World’s oldest-running maritime journals. In the report, an unnamed person among other things denied knowledge of such extensive talk between Maersk and Nigeria; that the investment plans appears to be news to it’s officials.

Further extrapolation of the news report bandied by naysayers reveals yawning gaps and holes. That the celebrated online maritime publication quoted an unnamed and non-descriptive Maersk official casts doubt about the veracity of the report being circulated by mischievous elements. The report, contrary to the warped interpretation of critics emphasized that, “discussions (between Maersk and the Nigerian government) were on-going.” Reasons that the entire Maersk team was yet to get full disclosure was equally provided in the news report by the unnamed official, “….. may be by next week, we would be properly briefed.” It should be noted that at the time naysayers activated their spin arsenals, Maersk was yet to deny or contradict government’s position as released by Tinubu’s spokesman. Why “pick and choose” by these critics? Why not dwell on the entire news report and do proper inquisition if any? Why the unnecessary dust and hullabaloo? Why the wrong, pervasive vilification of Tinubu’s spokesman?

Findings from further research and empirical studies reveals that in February 2024 in the course of an exploratory visit to Nigeria’s Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, Dr. Doris Uzoka-Anite, the A P. Maersk Terminal Chief Executive Officer, Keith Svendsen detailed the company’s $600m investment commitment to Nigeria’s economy. Svendsen, who re-affirmed Maersk’s commitment to investing more in Nigeria, clearly outlined plans to allocate “an initial $100m, with an additional half-billion dollars ($500m) earmarked for port investments in Lagos, Nigeria.” Contrary to wrong insinuations, the Riyadh meeting was another opportunity by Maersk to re-confirm it’s investment interest in Nigeria’s maritime sector. These investments are expected to support modernisation and expansion of our ports; improve trade; reduce corruption; and boost efficiency. Maersk’s interest in the sector is buoyed by government’s commitment, and to complement on-going $1bn development of seaports construction and development across Nigeria’s eastern and western ports.

In a widely published statement by Maersk that did not only expose the despicable, hideous, and vengeful intentions of traducers but explicitly described the seriousness and benefits of the company’s investment in Nigeria, Svendsen confirmed that the company has concluded plans to invest over $500m in the upgrades of Nigeria’s port facilities. He added that, “I earlier this year publicly told about the proposal to invest more than $500m that we have discussed with President Tinubu both in February, and which we further elaborated in late April. We have intensified talks with the administration and port authority to make these plans concrete and I’m pleased with the significant progress made towards implementation.” According to Svendsen, the global logistics and provider has being a critical stakeholder in Nigeria’s maritime sector with, “container terminals in Lagos, Apapa, and Onne, provision of high-quality and modern equipment, direct employment of about 2,500 people, and indirect employment of about 65,000 people.” Maersk in the words of Svendsen, “believes strongly in the future prospects for the Nigeria economy, and the long-term opportunities that the current economic reforms and invitation for international investments will generate.”

Contrary to the negative narratives floating around, Maersk, while acknowledging Nigeria as the key market in Africa, and the company’s central role in trade between Nigeria and the rest of the world, is determined to consolidate it’s position as a leading force in Nigeria’s maritime sector, and desirous to upgrading it’s greenfield terminals in Lekki and Badagry as well as other ports infrastructure across the country. Svendsen declared that, “we seek to do this under a long-term agreement with the government to support our ambition to continuously improve the import and especially export opportunities for the country, creating jobs and diversifying opportunities locally. For us, it is important that we not only operate highly efficient terminals, but also that we play a role contributing to the development of the local communities and bring opportunities for growth and new prospects in Nigeria.”

For emphasis, Nigeria and Denmark have always had a robust, and mutually beneficial business relationship spanning four decades. This relationship has involved steady exchanges of goods and services, crude petroleum, concentrated milk, non-fillet frozen fish, margarine, transportation, solar power, renewable energy, biotechnology and few others. Specifically, Maersk with over $2b existing investments in Nigerian ports and other activities has shown that it’s involvement is not just fruitful but transcends to reputable and equitable partnership with states including Ogun where a container terminal is under construction.

Finally, rather than resort to cheap, mindless, and fruitless public ridicule as well as unnecessary debilitating politicisation of any, every intention and programme of government that will impact positively on the country and citizens, it is incumbent on “professional naysayers” to allow objectivity to prevail. In matters of development, banal reasoning, ethnic consideration, and tribal imputation should be subsumed under national interest and true nationhood. Multi-faceted buffeting, multi-pronged chicanery, and caustic denunciation of appointees and officials of government by hirelings and sourced ranconteurs is not what Nigeria need now. Given the multi-dimensional economic challenges and corrosive poverty that Nigerians are experiencing, every human capacities should be deployed towards supporting any development-driven initiative by government. The comments of Maersk’s Chairman at the Riyadh meeting with Tinubu will suffice, “with the growth potentials of the Nigerian economy, we are very eager to invest in it, and we will continue to dialogue with the relevant Nigerian authorities to explore further investment opportunities in an economy that has the capacity and potentials to be among the best in the world.”

Bolaji Afolabi a seasoned media practitioner, has served in the Office of Public Affairs in The Presidency and as Communications Resource Person in the House of Representatives, respectively.