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Edo, Ondo 2024 reechoes bitter tribal politics of 2023 elections

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

In 2020, Edo State Governor Godwin Obaseki fought the political battle of his life for a second term in office. Mid year, he’s disqualified by the National Working Committee (NWC) of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), headed by Senator and former Governor Adams Oshiomhole as then national chairman.
In 2016, Oshiomhole had “imposed and installed” Obaseki as his successor. But the godfather-godson relationship didn’t last, as Obaseki decried Oshiomhole’s “godfatherism,” and connived to have him suspended from his ward in Etsako West Local Government Area of Edo North, and sacked by the courts as APC’s chairman. 
Oshiomhole denying Obaseki a re-election ticket prompted Obaseki to defect to opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which granted him automatic ticket, with which he contested and won the September 2020 election.
But in the course of the campaigns, former Lagos State Governor and acclaimed “National Leader” of the APC, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu (now President of Nigeria) called on the people of Edo State to vote for the APC candidate, Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu, who’s chaperoned by Tinubu’s close ally, Comrade Oshiomhole.
It’s a wrong political move at a time Obaseki, his campaign and supporters alleged – with no concrete evidence, and yet believable – that Oshiomhole had carried out a script written by Tinubu, to disqualify Obaseki from the APC governorship primary. 
When Obaseki’s still in the APC, he led a group of governors and party chieftains to Tinubu’s Bourdillon road home in Ikoyi, Lagos, to solicit his assistance to settle the feud between him and Oshiomhole, and Tinubu, short of shunning the parley, remained noncommittal, thus sending signals that he sided with Oshiomhole’s antic to deny Obaseki a second term ticket.
The backlash from Edo people against Oshiomhole for “instigating” disqualification of Obaseki from the APC primary, was also extended to Tinubu for his alleged “interference in Edo politics,” and hence the coinage: “Edo no be Lagos” – a reference to Tinubu’s stranglehold of politics of Lagos State.
So, “Edo no be Lagos” became an anthem, and the rallying cry for the Obaseki campaign, members and supporters of the PDP, and Edolites across party lines, who felt Oshiomhole (and Tinubu) committed a “political sacrilege” by denying a return ticket to Obaseki whom he’d backed for governor in 2016.  
Thus, the Obaseki campaign adopted three strategies that worked for the governor’s re-election without a referendum on his “achievements” from 2016 to 2020: Deploy Oshiomhole’s “betrayal of Edo people” – particularly the Binis of Edo South, where Obaseki hails from; replay Oshiomhole’s campaign of calumny against Pastor Ize-Iyamu during the 2016 election, to denigrate and demarket Ize-Iyamu, and promote Obaseki’s candidacy that he (Oshiomhole) sponsored; and harp on Tinubu’s “interference” in Edo politics.
Now to the 2024 governorship election in Edo State where another version of “Edo no be Lagos” or “Edo no be Yorubaland” – with a ting of tribalism – has emerged in the lead-up to the September 21 poll. The 2023 General Election in Lagos State witnessed an intense recline to tribal politics between the Yoruba and Igbo – the one trying to stave off alleged plans by the other to dominate Lagos politics by declaring the state as “a no man’s land” to be “captured” in the 2023 elections.
True to the fears of the Yoruba, the presidential candidate of Labour Party (LP) and former Anambra State Governor Peter Obi defeated Tinubu in his Lagos homestead in the February 25, 2023, poll. So, ahead of the following March 18 governorship election, alarmed conservative Yoruba resorted to whipping up tribal sentiments, telling liberal Yoruba that the intention of the Igbo wasn’t just to takeover Lagos – where they’ve an unverified 5m population – but also to bring the entire South-West geopolitical zone under Igbo domination.
Besides calling for “Yoruba Ronu” (‘Yoruba, Think’) – a phrase used by the legendary Hubert Ogunde “in his famous 1964 play,” warning about intra-ethnic divide among politicians in Yorubaland that could give way to external infiltration – the agitation for “Yorubaland for the Yoruba” culminated in rallying for Yoruba nationalism and supremacy in Yorubaland. 
As noted by Yusuf Omotayo in a piece, “The True Meaning of ‘Yoruba Ronu,'” first published in The Atlantic of July 10, 2023, “Yoruba Ronu has recently become the anchor on which Yoruba politicians have championed calls for fanatic support. The original core message of the phrase, however, is unity rather than ethnic disrespect and Yoruba supremacy.”
The Yoruba agitators backed up their alleged “Igbo Agenda” with declarative statements and videos issued and posted by social media influencers, calling on members of the “Obidients Movement” – the mass of voters who backed Obi’s presidential run – to “vote massively” on March 18, for the LP to takeover Lagos State.
And for good (or bad) measure, the LP featured as its governorship candidate Gbadebo (Chinedu) Rhodes-Vivor, who’s a Yoruba father and Igbo mother and wife – and whose utterances and actions, even on the campaign trail, tended to play up his affinity to Igbo more than to his Yoruba heritage. 
The Yoruba agitators dug into Mr Rhodes-Vivor’s social media posts – which some alleged were manipulated – in which he backed activities of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) – a group fighting for secession from Nigeria; his lead participation in the October 20, 2020, #Endsars violent and bloody protests in Lagos; and his intention, if elected governor, to dethrone the Oba of Lagos, and install an Igbo as replacement, declare an annual “Igbo Day” for Igbo to celebrate their traditional and cultural heritage, business acumen and dominance of the commercial and political affairs of Lagos, and give Igbo unfettered access to control all markets and commercial places in Lagos State.
These and other issues worked against the LP and Rhodes-Vivor’s ambition on poll day, giving the ruling APC and the amiable but assailed Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu a landslide victory, and crowning the “Yorubaland for Yoruba” agitators’ fierce campaign for “Yoruba Ronu” with defeat of the “Igbo campaigners” of “Na we build Lagos, na we own Lagos.”
Meanwhile – and sadly – the tribal politics of 2023 elections has resurrected in Edo and Ondo 2024 elections. In Edo, the LP candidate and former President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Mr Olumide Osaigbovo Akpata, had to do a hit music in Bini, to prove that he’s a bona fide “son-of-the-soil” from the prominent family of the Akpatas of Benin Kingdom.
Decked in traditional attire, Mr Akpata leads “the cultural troupe” in a Bini song and graceful dancesteps to trace his paternal and maternal roots to ages, and pleads with Edo people that he isn’t a stranger or a Yoruba, as his political traducers want to portray him in the intense mobilisation for the LP primary, and the  governorship poll on September 21.
Amid lingering doubts as to Akpata being “truly” Bini and Edo, a tweep (a user of Twitter) posted “an advisory” on X (formerly Twitter) for Igbo residents in Edo State not to dabble in the local politics of who the parties field for the governorship, but to mind their civic duty of voting for their preferred candidate.
This stirred instant reactions from Yoruba netizens (habitual or keen users of internet), who reasoned that the advisory was issued to Igbo residents in Edo State because the LP candidate’s middle name – Olumide – is Yoruba, and hence anathema to the Igbo. 
The Yoruba say what’s sauce for the goose should be sauce for the gander. If Igbo supported Mr Rhodes-Vivor with a middle name of “Chinedu” and Igbo mother and wife for the LP governor in Lagos, why should Igbo steer clear of canvassing for Mr Akpata with a Yoruba name of “Olumide” as candidate of the LP in Edo State? 
Similarly in the PDP in Edo State, governorship candidate Asue Ighodalo faces scrutiny as to his Esan roots from Ewohimi in Esan North-East of Edo Central. In 2023, Dr Ighodalo, a Lagos-based lawyer and industrialist associate of Governor Obaseki, reportedly hired “an interpreter” to convey his aspiration for governor to his ward members in Ewohimi. Now, critics query his “Edoness” for “growing up and working in Lagos, and marrying a Yoruba.”
In Ondo State, lawyer and veteran politician, Chief Olusola Oke, has a primary huddle for marrying an Igbo named “Nkem” as a second wife, who’s reportedly “very close” to Mrs Betty Anyanwu-Akeredolu, the Igbo wife of the late Governor Oluwarotimi Akeredolu (SAN), who died from a protracted ailment on December 27, 2023.
Accused of being an “Iron” First Lady with a domineering streak – and allegedly advancing the interests of Igbo to the detriment of the Yoruba in Ondo State – Mrs Akeredolu’s ethnic relationship with Mrs Oke may cause Mr Oke the primary ticket of the APC, and ultimately the governorship if the agitators for “Yorubaland for Yoruba” deploy “Yoruba Ronu” in the APC yet-to-be-scheduled April primary for the November 16 election in the state.
This is the stage we’re in Nigeria’s bitter politics, in which tribe and state of origin of spouses and their parents, living permanently or for a considerable length of time in their states of origin, and ability to speak fluently the local language, and imbibe the traditional and cultural nuances of the people, now determine one’s ambition for elective political position(s).  
It’s happened in Lagos, in the case of Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivor failing the governorship in 2023 partly because – in the estimation of the conservative indigenous Yoruba – he’s not “Yoruba enough” for having Igbo mother and wife, and “displaying disdain” for Yoruba language, traditional and culture. 
It also occurred in 2023 in Enugu State, where a resident of Ebonyi State origin was told by the locals that he couldn’t – as a “stranger” or “non-indigene” – become governor of Enugu. “A person from Ebonyi cannot be our governor in Enugu. God will not allow that” (to happen), one of the speakers – with members of the audience concurring – told the bewildered politician at a gathering to intimate the people about his governorship ambition, which’s ended thereafter!
On May 4, 2022, Senator Adeola Olamilekan (alias ‘Yayi’) (APC, Lagos West), gave in to emotions when his constituents in Ogun West gifted him nomination forms, to contest in the 2023 poll to represent the district. Pre-2015 general election when Chief Olamilekan wanted to represent Ogun West – his district of origin in Ogun State – there’s strong opposition that he wasn’t a Yewa man from the district. Some even claimed he’s from Ekiti State.
He’d to seek his political ambition in Lagos West (he’s Reps member from 2011 to 2015), which he won and represented from 2015 to 2023. But reportedly eying the governorship of Ogun State in 2027 that’s “zoned” to Ogun West, Olamilekan made attempts to switch from Lagos West to Ogun West, and met with the same resistance from APC members, three of whom filed a writ in court to stop him. 
However, majority of his constituents – who’d heard about his political exploits in Lagos West – rallied for, and 71 of them purchased the nomination forms for him to contest in the primary and election, which he won, and now represents Ogun West in the 10th National Assembly.
There’re also instances of women, who weren’t allowed to vie for elective political offices by chieftains of parties in the states they’re married into, and asked to go look for slots in their states of origin. That’s how, for example, Mrs Daisy Ehanire Danjuma – wife of former Chief of Army Staff, and Founder and Chairman Emeritus of TY Danjuma Foundation, Gen. Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma (retd) – left Taraba, her state of marriage, to seek senatorial slot in Edo State and won in 2003 (PDP, Edo South).
Can this bitter tribal politics in Nigeria be reversed? It’s doubtful, as the 2023 general election that’s supposed to subsume the primeval cleavage actually accentuated it, as fears of domination by residents fueled anxiety and outrage among the local and indigenous peoples across many states of Nigeria!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

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Opinion

Akpabio’s Recipe For Justice Reforms In Nigeria

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By Ola Awoniyi

The Justice sector is one critical area of governance in Nigeria crying for reforms. It is not that there has never been some forms of reform in the sector. The point is that a lot more needed to be done. Evidence abound that in Nigeria today, both the poor and the rich are crying for justice.

It is against this backdrop that the Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation, Lateef Olasunkanmi Fagbemi, SAN, convened the National Summit on Justice 2024 with the theme: “Repositioning the Justice System.” The Justice Ministry was not alone. The Summit was in collaboration with the National Judicial Council(NJC) and Nigerian Bar Association(NBA).

The two-day event which was declared opened by Vice President Kashim Shettima (who represented President Bola Ahmed Tinubu) kicked off on Wednesday 24th April, 2024 at the auditorium of the National Judicial Institute, Abuja. The Keynote Speaker was a former Chief Justice of Kenya, Dr Willy Mutunga.

Shortly after Justice Mutunga delivered his speech virtually, the President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, mounted the podium. Akpabio was first a lawyer before becoming a lawmaker. So he was well grounded in the legal profession and very much at home at the forum, with his learned colleagues.

Akpabio didn’t just deliver a Goodwill address. His speech, no doubt, set the tone for the summit. His presentation left no one in doubt that even the rich too are crying for Justice in Nigeria. He urged the participants at the Summit to consider what he called a Bottom-Up approach in the anticipated reforms.

In the course of his speech, Akpabio narrated the case of a Senator, who found himself in Kuje Prison like he was dreaming. He told his audience, which included the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon. Olukayode Ariwoola: “I will like a kind of a Bottom-Up approach to the judicial reforms. For instance, who suffer the most when the right reforms are not made?

“Very recently in one of our courts, a Senator of the Federal Republic appeared before My Lord. My Lord was excited and said, for respecting the court, I grant you bail on self recognition but come back next week Thursday. So he appeared on Thursday. Friday Public Holiday. Monday Public Holiday.

“But suddenly around 3.30pm to 4pm, My Lord changed his mind and said ‘I hereby revoke your bail on self recognition. You now have to bring two sureties. Each of them must have properties worth N50 million in Abuja. Bring Certificate of Occupancy. In addition, get us in writing, Certified Reports from AEGIS’, knowing very well that AEGIS has closed by 3.30pm. And the two people with the Certificate of Occupancy must be civil servants, not less than the rank of Director, and meanwhile they had all gone home.

“So by the time he struggled to look for directors with Certificates of Occupancy, AEGIS had closed. And then he struggled and struggled and struggled. And then My Lord, realising that the conditions of bail may never be met by this Senator, immediately ordered for form and signed for a remand in Kuje Prison. So the Senator was taken to Kuje Prison.

“From there, a warden called me and said ‘Mr Senate President, one of yours has just arrived in our prison and no hope of his coming out because tomorrow, Friday is Public Holiday and we don’t work on Saturday and Sunday. And Monday is also public holiday and the case may not be mentioned until June’. We are talking about liberty. We are talking about delivering justice which must be transparent.

“To cut a long story short, the Attorney-General of the Federation had even cancelled the Fiat. So there was actually no case in court but the Senator was there for many days. When he eventually came out, he wanted to petition, I said no. That if I have an opportunity and we are seated like this, I will use your case also as part of what we are going to reform because it was a clear case that if we don’t reform well, that even the rich also cry.”

Akpabio, in his interventions, identified some vital but worrisome areas needing urgent reforms. These include interlocutory appeals, requirement for Attorney-General’s consent before executing judgments and misuse of Ex-parte Orders in political cases.

His words: “It is essential that we reform our approach to interlocutory appeals in civil cases. Currently, these appeals often cause unnecessary delays, prolonging litigation and burdening our courts.

“As was done in the criminal jurisprudence during the enactment of Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015, we propose that all appeals in civil cases should be taken only after the conclusion of the substantive case. This change will accelerate judicial processes, reduce backlog, and ensure that litigations are not unduly prolonged by intermediate appeals.

“Another area requiring urgent reform is the need for obtaining the Attorney-General’s consent before executing judgments. This requirement often acts as a bottleneck, delaying justice and undermining the autonomy of our judicial system. We propose modifying this requirement to facilitate a swifter execution of judgments, thereby enhancing the efficiency and effectiveness of our justice system.

“We are not ignorant of the rationale for securing the Attorney-General’s consent as stipulated in sections of Sheriff and Civil Procesess Act which is to avoid the embarrassment of not knowing that funds earmarked for specific purposes have been diverted in satisfaction of a judgement debt which the government may not know anything about.

“It is our view to enhance efficiency while maintaining necessary checks, we propose replacing the requirement for the Attorney-General’s consent with a mandatory notification system. Upon receiving a judgment against the government, the relevant authorities will notify the Attorney-General immediately in writing.

“Following the notification, the Attorney-General will have a specified period, say 30 days, to respond. The response could involve initiating an appeal or settling the matter directly. This timeline ensures prompt action and prevents undue delays in justice delivery.

“If there is no response from the Attorney-General within this period, the judgment will be executed automatically. This measure is crucial to prevent stalling and ensure that judgments are respected and enforced in a timely manner.

“In cases where the judgment comes from a final court, the option to appeal is not available. Therefore, the Attorney-General’s response would be primarily directed towards settlement. This approach ensures that the government acts responsibly as a litigant and respects the decisions of our highest court in the land. Reforms like this foster trust in the justice system and improve the overall efficiency of legal proceedings involving the government.

“Finally we must try and curb the misuse of ex-parte orders in political cases by our judges. To curb it, it is imperative that the National Judicial Council (NJC) exercises stringent oversight. We recommend prompt and decisive punishment for judges who are found to abuse their authority in this manner.”

Akpabio specifically proposed to the National Judicial Council (NJC) to establish clear and detailed standards governing the issuance of ex-parte orders, accompanied by a defined set of sanctions for violations. These sanctions, he said, should be severe enough to serve as a deterrent against future abuses.

The Senate President’s recommendation was that the NJC should conduct regular audits and reviews of ex-parte orders issued by judges to ensure compliance with established standards. According to him, this proactive approach would help in identifying patterns of abuse early and in administering corrective measures promptly.

In addition to punitive measures, Akpabio also emphasized the importance of ongoing training and education for Judges on ethical and responsible use of judicial discretion in issuing ex-parte orders.

He advised that the outcome of the summit be translated into effective policies that would address, not only current inefficiencies, but also future challenges.

***Awoniyi, Media Aide to the Senate President, writes from Abuja

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Kwankwaso’s plot to oust Ganduje

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Khalid Ibn Abubakar

Political power play, power game as well as high political interests aggregation, are normal variables that define partisan politics. However, when these correlates are stretched beyond certain limits, there may be the likelihood of ushering in very dangerous instinctual reactions that have huge capacity for destabilizing the polity.
For all followers of the politics of Kano, Northwest Nigeria, particularly between May 29, 1999, to May 29, 2007, there is a tie-back to the historical precedence of the joint electoral victory between Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso as then governor-elect and Alhaji Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, PhD, as deputy governor-elect, respectively.
These two gentlemen were members of the same political party, the Peoples’ Democratic Party {PDP}, but they had definitely passed through varying and divergent socialization processes. Even as it is a known fact that all deputy governors in Nigeria are hardly allowed to exercise full political authority, the duo of Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and Alhaji Abdullahi Umar Ganduje managed to work together in harmony during their first tenure.
For Alhaji Kwankwaso to consider the inclusion of Ganduje as running mate for the second term, however, it was a tug-of-war. Elders of the party, eminent citizens and significant others, intervened, persuaded and eventually prevailed on Kwankwaso to restore Ganduje to the joint gubernatorial ticket as running mate. They expectedly won the elections. So, they worked together for eight years.
Ganduje was to succeed Kwankwaso as governor, perhaps against the wishes of his former political principal and leader who, after his tenure as governor, was rewarded with a high end political portfolio as Nigeria’s minister of defence by the then President Olusegun Obasanjo.
Over time, Ganduje has achieved a solid political stature which tended to overshadow his former principal. The result is that Kano has been split between the two tendencies. The particular human behavioural trait at play here is none other than the human Ego. As a student of the Freudian tradition, one is quick to point out that the major behavioural set back that any political leadership , must avoid in his or her political career, is by avoiding a negative inter-play of the different roles of the three major clinical psychology properties that regulate the impulse of all human, namely, Id, Ego and Superego, respectively.
These three, when negatively influenced, can bring about the downfall of anybody who is somebody, irrespective of his or her social stratification in the larger society.
It is therefore imperative to point out within this medium that the ongoing struggle for political power, relevance and advantage between a former political principal, Alhaji Kwankwaso, and his “junior” associate, Dr. Ganduje — who by way of chronological and mental age is much more senior and better educated than his erstwhile political boss— can all be traced to politics. That is why there is a desperate plot by Kwankwaso and his group to oust Dr. Ganduje as the National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Part of the plot is the sinister scheme to destabilize the Tinubu administration using veiled propaganda, campaign of calumny and allied methods to tarnish APC and its leadership with the hope that such a distraction will add to the political fortunes of Kwankwaso and his NPP in Kano. The calculation is that once Ganduje is out of the way, Kwankwaso and his acolytes can have the whole of Kano to themselves.
Not surprisingly, the whole machinery of the Kano State Government has been deployed to achieve this end.
Dr. Ganduje in his eight years as governor of Kano State produced a very credible democratic scorecard, whose sectoral achievements are cogent and verifiable by any interested member of the public. Apparently not getting adequate results from all the failed plots so far executed by him and his lackeys, Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso does not seem to have any iota of respect for seniority and civilized order.
Devoting and ploughing all his energies towards clandestine schemes aimed at pulling down the personality of Alhaji Ganduje who had paid his dues in society by Allah SWT’s divine blessings, is akin to trying the patience of the Almighty ALLAH SWT. The bitter jealousy of Kwankwaso and his men can be further understood when one considers the fact that Ganduje is an urbane intellectual who obtained his Doctor of Philosophy degree {PhD} at the famous University of Ibadan, in 1993, following his first degree in 1975, when Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso had not dreamt of enrolling in any Higher School Certificate program.
The conditioned behaviour, which had always propelled Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, who has an affinity for wanting to show political dominance over every citizen from Kano State as an infallible dictator, was what made eminent personalities like Alhaji Ibrahim Shekarau and Distinguished Senator Jibrin Barau, just to mention a few, not stay in the same political camp with him.
In Kwankwaso’s world, his word is law. He cannot tolerate democratic tenets. He cannot work with intellectually endowed people. For him, getting Dr. Ganduje out of his current position as the National Chairman of the APC is his greatest headache. He is probably calculating that Ganduje’s ouster will enable him (Kwankwaso) grab a ministerial position as a pre-electoral bargaining condition and convince President Bola Ahmed Tinubu that he has the entire Kano State in his pocket and that his NNPP is waiting in the wings to play ball.
The NNPP gang is full of hypocrites. They demand integrity from others while lacking it themselves. An example: Governor Abba Kabiru Yusuf has appointed Kwankwaso’s son as a member of the Kano State Executive Council. It’s payback time. They are sharing the spoils as all the other parties do. There is no difference between the way they are carrying on and the way Ganduje ran the government. If anything, Ganduje was better. Time will tell.
When Governor Yusuf eventually finds out that he is not allowed to have a mind of his own and that Kwankwaso is supposed to be all-knowing, the current cosy relationship between them will disappear. Owing to the fact that Kwankwaso would always want every eminent political citizen in Kano State to submit to his overbearing and dictatorial tendencies, all who flock around him must play the dummy to be considered loyal.
In their desperation to pull down Alhaji Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, NNPP hirelings have embarked on senseless moves to procure fake “APC Executive Members”, at the ward and state levels, who are their sidekicks. They’ve tried impersonation, blackmail, open threats and all sorts of sabotage to no avail.
From the grapevine, Alhaji Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s most pressing need now is how best he can penetrate the APC federal administration to get a plum ministerial appointment when the president rejigs his cabinet as expected. To achieve this, he is persuaded that he has to destroy Dr Ganduje. But, if history is anything to go by, all their schemes will fail. For, history teaches us that those who plot the destruction of others often fall on their own sword.

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Yoruba Nation agitators: ‘Omoluwabi’ triumph in Oyo invasion by ‘ọmọ àlè’

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By Ehichioya Ezomon

It’s no surprise that Nigeria’s plethora of security agencies – due to their remarkable lack of capacity for intelligence gathering, and non-proactive approach to nipping potential untoward happenings in the bud – missed the planning and execution of the siege to the Government Secretariat in Ibadan, capital city of Oyo State, where so-called Yoruba Nation agitators hoisted their Flag for a proclaimed creation of “Democratic Republic of the Yoruba” on Saturday, April 13, 2024. 
As one of the arrested (or surrendered) suspects – a 55-year-old lecturer at a Federal College of Education – revealed, membership of the Yoruba movement is spread across Yoruba-speaking states, noting that, “Our leaders went to all Yoruba-speaking states to serve officials letters written and we were given our copies. Then the proclamation was made and after the declaration, occupation, and notification to the world that Yoruba is an indigenous nation.”
Yet, overt and secret security operatives missed the publicised mobilisation for the agitators’ D-Day – or they never took it seriously, or were in cahoots with and sympathetic to their cause – until the storm almost blew in the faces of law-abiding citizens of Oyo State, the South-West and Nigeria at large.
Despite their “treasonable” felonious action – as pronounced by Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde, and the state Commissioner of Police Adebola Hamzat – Nigerians should be grateful though that the armed agitators for a Yoruba Nation weren’t out for real mischief but a somewhat show of symbolism, knowing they’d be challenged eventually. Otherwise, there’d have been “wailing and gnashing of teeth,” as they wreak untold havoc before security operatives rouse themselves from inertia.
Forget the chest-beating by the governor on April 16 – when he received in his office the 46th General Officer Commanding the 2 Mechanised Division, Odogbo Barracks, Ibadan, Maj. Gen. Obinna Onubogu – that, “the Emergency Security Response was activated and it worked. The response was quick, and timely and I believe the hoodlums and miscreants met something that was beyond their imagination. Within one hour, everything was under control. And we are grateful for the timely response.”
Also, discountenance the Police bragadocio that, “the agitators turned violent and opened fire on the Police, and a detachment of Amotekun corps was present. The Police responded and were joined by Operation Burst Patrol teams and Personnel of other security agencies, who suppressed the treason and dealt with the agitators in line with Standard Operating Procedure (SOP).” 
Wonders! If the agitators opened fire and the Police responded, how many people on both sides were injured or killed? None reported! lf the Police were that capable, efficient and alive to their responsibilities, why literally escort the heavily-armed “miscreants” – dressed in some sort of military camouflage – in their whirlwind journey to the Government Secretariat that houses the Governor’s Office and State House of Assembly, where they hoisted their Flag? Didn’t the Police guess they’re headed in that direction, and should’ve striven to cut them off before they got there?
And why did the Police ask the “miscreants to dispatch” (go away) until they “turned violent and opened fire” on operatives? Would the Police have allowed the agitators to go scot-free, if they’d dispersed “peacefully” from their intent to forcefully overthrow a democratically-elected government, in breach of the amended 1999 Constitution of Nigeria?
The efficiency or lack of it of Nigeria’s security architecture isn’t the theme here, but the near-universal condemnation of the agitators by the Yoruba, for bringing opprobrium to the ethnic group that’s the beacon of democracy and intellectual discourse of any issues that will reshape the structure of the Nigerian federation.
From the umbrella Yoruba socio-cultural organisation, Afenifere, to the Yoruba Council of Elders (YCE); from leading Yoruba Nation activists, Prof. Banji Akintoye of Ilana Omo Oodua Worldwide and Chief Sunday Adeyemo (alias Sunday Igboho) (who distanced themselves from the invasion), to Governor Makinde and his government; and from former Military Governor and ex-Deputy National Chairman of the PDP, Chief Olabode George and other prominent Yoruba individuals and groups, it’s wholesale repudiation of the Yoruba Nation agitators, their leaders and sponsors.
The denial of involvement by Igboho and Akintoye is germane because of their prime leadership role in and links to the struggle for Yoruba self-determination. Reacting via a Facebook Live, Igboho said: “I know nothing about it (invasion) and I don’t know those behind it… Any person that said he is agitating for Yoruba Nation and is going to attack government facilities, that person or group is on his own; I don’t know anything about it.”
Similarly, Akintoye alleged that another separatist leader (name withheld) was behind the incident in Oyo State, saying, “I have spoken to Sunday Igboho. Some people sent them (agitators) to make sure that they disrupt the Yoruba self-determination struggle. I was informed a few minutes ago that some people… have come to take over the government of Yorubaland, and that they have arrived in Ibadan. We, in this struggle, don’t act in that manner.”
Top on the series of excoriation came on April 17 from President Bola Tinubu – a Yoruba and unarguably one of the most influential pro-democracy activists of this generation – who, read the riot act to the agitators and similar cohorts that, those threatening Nigeria’s sovereignty “will have a price to pay.”
Tinubu, hosting a delegation of Afenifere at the State House, Abuja, including its leader, Pa Reuben Fasoranti, and Oba Olu Falae – on a solidarity visit aftermath of the Yoruba Nation agitators’ invasion of Oyo – said that, “I am irrevocably committed to the unity of Nigeria and constitutional democracy. Those who think they can threaten the sovereignty of Nigeria will have themselves to blame. They have a price to pay. And we are not going to relent.”
Besides the Police declaring wanted the alleged “mastermind” and a former wife of the winner of the military annulled June 12, 1993, presidential election, the late Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola (GCFR) – whose family members have disowned the woman’s action in what many concerned Yoruba describe as a “coup d’etat” that should be punished under the relevant laws – the Oyo State government, by court orders, has demolished a building identified as “operational base” of the Yoruba Nation agitators, and several other buildings used as hideouts in Ibadan.
Till this moment – over one week after the brazing incident in Ibadan – no Yoruba leader or group has backed the effrontry of the agitators. There’ve been no charge by the agitators or their supporters and sympathisers that they’re put down forcefully by the federal and state governments, and security agencies.  
No allegations of scores or hundreds of the agitators killed and injured, and no claims of suppression, victimisation, marginalisation and ethnic cleasing of the Yoruba race in Nigeria. No malicious reports to, and calls for intervention of external bodies, such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), African Union (AU), Commonwealth of Nations, United Nations, and the International Criminal Court (ICC). 
No calls on the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France, Canada, Australia and Japan to exert their political, economic, diplomatic and military powers on Nigeria and back the agitators for a Yoruba Nation. Nor have there been calls on the Nigerian military to overthrow the government of President Tinubu for threatening to deal with those troubling the territorial integrity of Nigeria.
What Nigerians have heard and seen so far – and which’s worthy of emulation by other sections of the country – is the Yoruba leading by example on how individuals and groups should conduct themselves in a complex multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-linguistic society as Nigeria’s for a peaceful and harmonious coexistence.
It’s apt to quote a post on X (formerly Twitter) by a social commentator and best-selling author, Mr. Reno Omokiri,  @renoomokiri, on the Yoruba Nation agitators’ saga. He states that, “to understand why the Yoruba are the most influential and the wealthiest people in Nigeria, study how they (not the Federal Government) dealt with the so-called Yoruba Nation agitators, who tried to cause havoc and chaos in Ibadan last week.”
“First of all, the families of those involved publicly denounced them. In fact, one of the affected families took out an advert. That is to show you social responsibility at the family level,” Mr Omokiri says.
“Then, the society rose against them, with community members forging them out and pointing out their properties and hideouts to the authorities. That demonstrates social cohesion and a society with a secure moral fabric. Secessionists can only operate where there is local support. If there is no local support, they will evaporate. 
“Next, the State Government did not wait for the Federal Government or their agencies. In less than a week, they had arrested all of those involved, demolished their properties and brought criminal charges against them. That is evidence of a responsible sub-national government. 
“No prominent Yoruba came out to make excuses for these agitators, or sympathise with them. As a unit, they called them by their names – miscreants. They did not even call them Unknown Miscreants (nobody is unknown to the community, except the community wants to hide behind one finger). They named and shamed them!”
The totality of how the Yoruba rose to the occasion of the agitators’ storming of Oyo is located in “Omoluwabi” (Omoluabi) – a cultural concept that’s native to the Yoruba people. It’s used to describe a person of good character. 
The omoluabi concept, according to Wikipedia, “signifies courage, hard work, humility and respect. An omoluabi is a person of honour who believes in hard work, respects the rights of others, and gives to the community in deeds and in action. Above all, an omoluwabi is a person of integrity.”
So, in the context of the episode in Ibadan – and the pre-cautionary measures put in place in other South-West states – an omoluwabi isn’t irrational and disruptive, but calculative and deliberative in choosing and applying intellect and persuasion over brawn that’s wilfully displayed by the Yoruba Nation agitators. 
As a tweep notes in response to the @renoomokiri post, “People that bring shame to their families are called ‘ọmọ àlè’ (derogatorily, an illegitimate child, bastard) in Yoruba. Ordinarily, a properly brought-up Yoruba son brings honour to his family. We don’t do blame game in Yoruba land, we call a spade a spade. A Yoruba mother will give away (hand over) her own son if he breaks law.”
Another tweep says, “If other regions in the nation adopted this kinetic and proactive approach – terrorism, kidnapping, banditry, and other criminal vices will be reduced in the society. Will tribalism, ethnicity and religion sympathy allow them to think deeply?”
That’s the big question, as the government and security agencies delve into the remote and immediate causes of the Yoruba Nation agitators’ activities on April 13! As noted by Gen. Onubogu during his visit to Governor Makinde, “We are indeed in a period of security challenges… This incident is unfortunate, as it shows that despite the peace that exists in Oyo State, there are still sons and daughters of South-West Nigeria, who are bent on challenging Oyo State, the entire South-West as well as Nigeria as a whole.
“I have taken note of some of the gaps that preceded this incident and I want to assure you that under my watch, we will play our part to ensure that such a situation does not arise again. As our adversaries have made their intentions known, it will be foolhardy for us not to refocus and ensure the people of Oyo remain safe.” 
Investigations into the invasion shouldn’t be farfetched, as some of the arrested agitators have given the investigators leads to follow. A female agitator said those who sponsored the invasion promised to put an end to starvation in her life, adding, “the sponsors promised me and my entire family that they would empower us and that our future would be assured. Starvation would no longer be in our lives and that cost of living would automatically come down.”
Another suspect didn’t regret his action, stressing, “We all know that nothing is working in Nigeria and things are hard for everyone except those in government. We were at the Secretariat waiting for our leader to come and address us. We believe our leader knows much about the law and so we were not afraid to join when we were called upon. Our leaders told us that all challenges Yoruba are facing shall be addressed if we achieve our aim.”
And from Ondo State, where precautionary measures were taken to forestall any similar incident, a group of “Yoruba Nation Youths,” both Home and Diaspora, has told the state government – and insisted that – “they are not terrorists but a legitimate group of youths demanding Yoruba Nation, self-determination and independence.”
In closing, Governor Makinde’s words to Gen. Onubogu resonates: “Concerning the unfortunate incident, what I can say is that we must win the war, but we must also win peace. It is a challenging period!” Absolutely challenging times for Nigerians and the entire country!

Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria

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